National and Global Perspectives

It's Relative: A Crosscountry Comparison of Family-Migration Policies and Flows,
Migration Policy Institute Issue Brief, April 2018, 22 pp.
Authors: Kate Hooper & Brian Salant
This issue brief explores family migration policies and trends in nine OECD countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The United States had the highest percentage of family immigrants between 2012 and 2017, with nearly two-thirds of all grants of permanent residence occurring in family categories. By way of contrast, family stream migration ranged between 27 percent and 29 percent in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom, well behind grants for work, which ranged from 41 percent in the United Kingdom to 62 percent in Australia. The authors point out, however, that these data omit family members who accompany migrants obtaining permanent residence through economic, humanitarian and other categories. If these individuals were to be reclassified as family migrants, the picture would look quite different. In Canada, for example, the adjusted figure for family migrants would rise to 66 percent while the economic stream would fall to 28 percent. In the United States, the adjusted figures would be 81 percent family and 7 percent economic. Across all countries studied, most family members are either spouses/partners or children. Most countries either bar or cap other family members, e.g. parents or adult siblings, leading to long wait times. Canada, for example, with an annual cap of 25,000, has a long waiting list for permanent resident visas for parents and grandparents. The authors conclude that "Family migration is at the heart of many immigration systems," and that "balancing the principle of family unity against other immigration priorities, is likely to remain a vexing and multifaceted policy challenge."

Connecting the Dots: Emerging Migration Trends and Policy Questions in North and Central America,
Migration Policy Institute, March 7, 2018, 13 pp.
Authors: Claudia Masferrer et al
The authors of this paper take a sweeping look at the entire North American "migration corridor," inclusive of Canada, the United States, Mexico, and the "Northern Triangle" countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. They note that patterns of migration are much more complex and multi-directional than they were in the past, when south-north migration was the dominant pattern. For example, approximately 1 million U.S.-born persons moved to Mexico during the 2010-2015 period, made up largely of retirees and children of persons deported from the U.S. These children will have the right to reemigrate to the U.S. later in life. Moreover, with a declining birth rate, Mexico is quickly becoming a country of immigration, not just emigration. Pressures to migrate northward have lessened, and will continue to lessen, as a result of the "demographic convergence" occurring in the entire region. By 2050, all six countries will have fertility rates below the replacement level required to sustain population growth, alongside high life expectancy - implying population aging. As the elderly population increases, there will be a growing need for elder care workers, but without the same supply of surplus workers that existed in the past. The authors believe that policy makers are not engaged in "clear-headed thinking about how to leverage migration to address coming needs."

Limiting the National Right to Exclude,
NYU School of Law Research Paper, February 21, 2018, 53 pp.
Author: Katrina Wyman
While recognizing the political challenges involved in convincing others of her point of view, the author of this essay argues that climate change is creating a strong rationale to limit the state's right to exclude certain people from crossing its borders and settling as immigrants. She sees an analogy with private property owners whose right to exclude others from entering their property is circumscribed by the state. Indeed, there are many more restrictions on the right of private property than on the prerogatives of the state. The courts, for example, have ruled that individuals can legally "trespass" on someone else's land when in imminent danger; owners of public accommodations such as inns, stores, or restaurants, are barred from discriminating based on race, religion or national origin; and states may expropriate property through eminent domain to achieve a valid public purpose. Given the climate crisis slowly engulfing the world, including the probable disappearance of several island nations, governments "might be better protected against threats to their national security by creating more legal avenues of immigration" in order to "provide an orderly safety valve for people to leave fragile states that lack the resources to adapt to climate change."

Moving Beyond "Root Causes:" The Complicated Relationship between Development and Migration,
Migration Policy Institute, January, 2018, 18 pp.
Authors: Susan Fratzke & Brian Salant
As governments in developed countries attempt to stem the tide of illegal migration, they are increasingly looking to target development aid to immigrant sending countries, on the assumption that improved economic conditions in source countries will discourage people from migrating. This paper questions the validity of that assumption. For one thing, increases in per capita GDP are generally associated with increases in outward migration, a phenomenon often referred to as the "migration hump." In other words, migration might be more a byproduct of economic success than economic failure, and at the individual level, members of wealthier households are more likely to move than those with fewer financial resources. Another important factor in migration calculus is the existence of migratory networks, e.g. the presence of friends and relatives in immigrant-receiving countries who can facilitate the resettlement process for newcomers. According to the authors, "once emigration becomes an established practice in a community, it is likely to continue." For these reasons, the authors suggest that it might be more effective to target development aid to achieve macroeconomic change, rather than change at the individual or household level, and to search for ways to promote safe and legal migration along established migration corridors.

Strengthening the Global Refugee Protection System: Recommendations for the Global Compact on Refugees,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 5:4 (2017), 19 pp.
Author: Kevin Appleby
This paper summarizes, and in part draws its policy recommendations from, a series of studies that appeared in the Journal of Migration and Human Security in 2016 and 2017. These studies called attention to weaknesses in the global refugee protection system and urged the development of new approaches to be incorporated into the Global Compact on Refugees. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, after consultation with member nations and other stakeholders, will propose the Compact in 2018. The author argues that refugee protection must be front and center in the document and that interdiction and forcible return practices should be stopped. "The externalization of borders in the name of ‘border cooperation' should be replaced with an emphasis on the externalization of protection." He further recommends that more countries must participate in refugee resettlement efforts and that the global community should commit to resettling 10 percent of the world's refugees by the year 2030 (The current percentage is less than 1 percent). Other recommendations include: mechanisms to prevent large movements before they happen, such as the early deployment of peacekeeping forces when civil conflicts develop; provisions to cover refugees from environmental disasters; protocols to follow for the voluntary repatriation of refugees; and nondiscriminatory treatment of refugees. As one study argues, there needs to be a "paradigm shift" that leads to a broader conception of refugee protection, as well as a global consensus as to how to achieve it.

World Migration Report 2018
International Organization for Migration, 2018, 347 pp.
Eds.: Marie McAuliffe & Martin Ruhs
This report is the ninth in the World Migration Report series (the first one was issued in the year 2000). The series is intended to give "space or traction" to fact-based analysis of migration at a time when "the prominence of migration as a public policy issue and newsworthy topics has perhaps never been more pronounced." This edition of the report is divided into two main parts: first, key information on migration and migrants, both globally and regionally, prepared by the staff of IOM; and second, evidence-based analysis of complex and emerging issues in the field, prepared by outside experts. Among these issues are: the development of global governance frameworks for international migration, the relationship between migration and transnationalism, migrants' perspectives on migrant journeys, media reporting on migration, the relationship between migration and violent extremism, and migrants and cities. The 2018 report also features an entire chapter devoted to an analysis of research in the migration field, including forms of research ("white" and "grey"), research producers (e.g. governments, intergovernmental organization, think tanks, and academics), the role of academic journals specializing in migration, and metrics for measuring the impact of research. Reflecting the growing importance of migration as a public policy issue, there are now about 200 think tanks, mostly in the U.S. and Europe, dedicated to producing research in this area.

Building Partnerships to respond to the Next Decade's Migration Challenges,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, December 2017, 26 pp.
Authors: Demetrios G. Papademetriou & Kate Hooper
The Transatlantic Council commissioned the research for this paper to inform deliberations at the 17^th plenary meeting of the Council in Oslo, Norway, in February of 2017. By partnerships, the Council is referring to the efforts on the part of immigrant sending and receiving countries to work together, usually through formal arrangements, to better manage migration flows. The authors note that many countries are moving away from unilateral approaches to migration management, which often produce unintended and undesirable consequences, toward greater responsibility-sharing with neighboring governments. Examples include the EU-Turkey Statement on curbing irregular maritime migration from Turkey to Greece and the EU Migration Partnership Framework with several African countries of origin and transit. The report reviews the incentives for and obstacles to effective partnerships and offers "five guiding principles" to strengthen these arrangements, including ensuring that all parties derive real benefits from the deal and taking steps to address the underlying drivers of migration. The authors also argue that "returns, whether of unauthorized economic migrants or failed asylum seekers, are crucial to the credibility and effectiveness of any immigration system." To the extent that the commitment to return is only rhetorical in nature, agreements will have little practical or lasting value.

Building a Mosaic: The Evolution of Canada's Approach to Immigrant Integration
Migration Policy Institute, November 1, 2017, 12 pp.
Author: Andrew Griffith
This report examines Canada's long-standing commitment to immigration and diversity, reviews the country's evolving approach to immigrant integration, seeks to explain the Canadian public's high level of support for immigration, and notes some old and emerging challenges. The structure of Canada's immigration system, along with resources dedicated to post-arrival services, facilitates the integration of Canada's newcomers. Integration considerations are built into the selection process, favoring skilled workers who can speak English or French. Policies and programs that facilitate settlement, encourage citizenship, and promote multiculturalism facilitate integration after arrival. Canada's commitment to multiculturalism, enshrined in law, aims to: "promote the recognition, retention, and fostering of identities to facilitate integration;" overcome barriers to participation; promote interaction between immigrants and receiving communities; and facilitate language acquisition. This model of integration has been largely successful and has enjoyed high levels of support from the Canadian public. A new influx of asylum seekers crossing the border from the U.S. may weaken that support. However, experts on Canadian immigration believe that the resilience of public support for immigration, the association of immigration with economic growth, and the participation of new Canadians in the political process, provide some degree of protection from populist waves sweeping the U.S. and Europe. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Associates)

Engaging Communities in Refugee Reception: The Potential of Private Sponsorships in Europe
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), September 2017, 15 pp.
Author: Susan Fratzke
This policy brief examines the range, nature and potential of private refugee sponsorship programs in Europe and Canada. Private sponsorship involves the participation of voluntary community groups in the process of refugee resettlement and integration. The paper begins with the identification of three different models of private sponsorship, varying in the degree of government involvement in the resettlement process. The paper then looks at the major obstacles and roadblocks to successful implementation of each model. Finally, the author offers a number of recommendations for policy makers interested in developing such programs, including moving quickly to engage those who want to participate before their interest fades, providing the right amount of coordination and oversight, and building strong working relationships among key actors. She further suggests taking an incremental approach to program development, achieving clarity as to overall goals, and realistically assessing sponsor capacity.

Proposals for the Negotiation process on the United Nations Global Compact for Migration,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 5:3 (2017), 11 pp.
Author: Victor Genina
At the 2016 meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, the delegates passed a resolution calling for the development of a Global Compact for Migration to be ready for adoption at an international conference on migration to be held immediately before the United Nations General Assembly in September of 2018. The author of this paper, who previously participated in UN-sponsored negotiations on migration, considers the Compact a “unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely” and “to set forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels.” Noting that “economically drive international migration is the only major issue on the international agenda that has not been fully addressed at the institutional level within the United Nations (UN) system,” the author seeks to provide input to those who will take part in the negotiations of the global compact for migration, scheduled to begin in February of 2018. Among the principles that should be reflected in the document, according to Genina, are that “the human rights and fundamental freedoms of migrants, including women and children, must be protected regardless of their migration status” and that “racism, xenophobia, discrimination and intolerance towards migrants must be combatted.” He also urges an effort to achieve “institutional coherence,” so that bi-national, sub-regional and regional agreements on migration are consistent with the Global Compact. In addition, he calls for opportunities for civil society organizations, academic institutions, and the private sector to “participate more substantively” in the preparation process for the Global Compact.

In Search of Common Values Amid Large-Scale Immigrant Integration Pressures,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), June, 2017, 30 pp.
Authors: Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan & Meghan Benton
The problem at the heart of this paper is how European states dealing with large-scale immigration attempt to define and enforce some sort of shared values and norms while simultaneously respecting the cultural and religious rights of newcomers. The analysis stresses the complex nature of the situation, as there are forces within host societies that remain welcoming to newcomers and other that explicitly declare antipathy towards them. The authors identify two main ways governments attempt to manage integration and maintenance of a sense of common values. The first are efforts to define and instill shared national values (e.g., classes for newcomers), and the second is by restricting minority practices that appear to be in conflict with those values (e.g., the wearing of the burqa). The authors believe that each approach is problematic. For example, they suggest that efforts to promote “common” values that can be read as intended to change the behavior and beliefs of just one segment of society can produce a backlash (e.g., such as women deciding to wear burqas only after they have been banned as a means of protest). They also believe that restricting minority practices is often done for political expediency rather than towards actually promoting integration. Their recommendations focus on a pragmatic approach, calling for evidence-based decision making and ensuring that any calls for restrictions of practices are proportionate to actual harm being produced. Though the report speaks in general terms about immigrant integration pressures, most of the examples it provides draw on cases involving Muslim immigrants (Erik Jacobson, Montclair State University).

Weathering Crisis, Forging Ahead: Swedish Asylum and Integration Policy,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, June 2017, 31 pp.
Author: Susan Fratzke
Produced with the cooperation of the Swedish government, this report is based on interviews with local and national service providers and policy officials in Sweden. The report chronicles changes in the Swedish asylum system, at the outset the most welcoming in Europe, after the unprecedented influx of more than 160,000 asylum-seekers mostly from the Middle East in the Fall of 2015 – the highest number per capita in the entire European Union. The surge in arrivals strained the entire system, creating processing backlogs, exhausting the supply of temporary housing, and limiting access to support services. As a result, the government undertook a broad overhaul of the entire system in October of 2015, designed to stem the flow of new arrivals and enable local authorities to deal more expeditiously with those who had already arrived. Initially, border checks were introduced on the Danish border, but were later dropped when Denmark did the same on its border with Germany. At the same time, many asylum applicants were no longer granted permanent residence, but only temporary status pending a subsequent review of conditions in their home country. Conversions to permanent residence could only occur if the applicant can prove that he/she is self-supporting through employment. These policies have come in for criticism by service providers and immigrant advocates who feel that they will interfere with the integration of newcomers into Swedish society.

International Migration Outlook 2017
OECD Publishing, 2017, 361 pp.
Each year, the OECD publishes this summary report on migration trends in all OECD member countries and selected non-member countries. For the third year in a row, permanent migration flows into the OECD area have increased, reaching 5 million people in 2016 (a 7 percent increase over the previous year), well above the previous peak period, observed in 2007 before the economic crisis. The report includes separate sections on each county, as well as chapters devoted to labor market outcomes and family reunification issues throughout the OECD area. The report notes a slight improvement in employment rates from the previous year, with two out of ever three immigrants working. However, migrants tend to be overrepresented in jobs involving routine tasks, exposing them to the greater risk of lay-off as automation advances. The report finds that almost 40 percent of the total migrant inflow is family-related, and that in many OECD countries, more than 10 percent of marriages occur between a citizen and a foreigner. The report also provides information on asylum and refugee requests, including a chart showing the number of asylum applications per million population.

Rebuilding after Crisis: Embedding Refugee Integration in Migration Management Systems,
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, March, 2017, 17 pp.
Authors: Demetrios G. Papademetriou, Meghan Benton, & Natalie Banulescu-Bogdan
The destabilizing effects of the recent migration and refugee crisis have given European and North American governments impetus to reform their migration management systems. This report examines existing issues and potential steps that policymakers can take to achieve successful refugee integration in the coming years while preserving the integrity of the system as a whole. As communities attempt to adjust to newcomers' differences and public institutions are challenged to do effective outreach, local authorities are struggling to implement appropriate policies and allocate resources for disadvantaged populations, including immigrants. The authors offer a comprehensive discussion of the difficulties and tradeoffs of managing large-scale refugee flows, from acknowledging the interdependence of migration and integration systems when balancing short-term humanitarian needs with long-term integration investments, to managing public expectations of integration while promoting refugees as assets. The report also addresses the challenges of coordinating shared responsibility for integration across multilevel governments and agencies, balancing timely labor market integration against broader integration goals and job quality, and promoting policy innovation while weighing the risks of experimentation. To improve refugee integration outcomes, the authors recommend policymakers coordinate integration and asylum policies for a more coherent system, invest in promoting newcomer involvement to benefit whole communities, incentivize participation by the private sector in hiring refugees, and engage all elements of society by promoting a positive and inclusive narrative to build public trust. (Sarah Purdy for The ILC Public Education Institute)

New Approaches to Refugee Crises in the 21^st Century: The Role of the International Community,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October 2016, 12 pp.
Author: Katherine Newland
Prepared for the 15^th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, this paper expresses cautious optimism regarding the development of new and innovative solutions to the world refugee crisis. The author begins by pointing out how the three, so-called "durable" solutions to refugee displacement (integration into countries of first asylum, third county resettlement, and voluntary repatriation) appear to be inadequate to current need. In most years, only 200,000 places are available for third country resettlement -- making only a small dent in easing the plight of the world's 21 million refugees. In addition, most countries of first asylum are reluctant to open their labor markets, and sometimes even their educational systems, to refugees. And the number of refugees able to safely return to their home countries in 2015 reached the lowest point in more than 30 years. Newland points out, however, that the "extraordinary" number of international meetings devoted to the subject of refugee protection in 2016, capped off by first United Nations Summit Meeting in New York to address the needs of refugees and migrants, may be laying the groundwork for new and more effective approaches. Previously sacrosanct silos, such as those for refugee resettlement and humanitarian assistance, are beginning to crumble. Likewise, the possibility that refugees could become actors for development is also gaining traction. In addition, some countries are experimenting with programs to give refugees the opportunity to work and study on a temporary basis. It is no longer tenable, according to Newland, to allow "accidents of geography" to determine how refugees disperse in the world. Nor is it acceptable to allow traffickers and criminal elements to take advantage of the present dire situation. If these nascent efforts bear fruit, we may be successful in "bending the arc of the prevailing narrative about the world's displaced people, from bearers of needs and risks to bearers of talents, skills, and energies from which all can benefit."

People on the Move: Global Migration's Impact and Opportunity (Executive Summary)
McKinsey Global Institute, December, 2016, 28 pp.
Authors: Jonathan Woetzel et al
Considered by some to be the world's number-one private-sector think tank, the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) "combines the disciplines of economics and management, employing the analytical tools of economics with the insights of business leaders." This report on the significance of migration for the world economy finds that the world's 247 million cross-border migrants "contributed roughly 6.7 trillion, or 9.4 percent, to global GDP in 2015 - some $3 trillion more than they would have produced in their origin countries." Some 90 percent of this economic boost from migration occurred within just 25 destination countries, including of course, the United States, which received a $2 trillion gain in GDP - the largest of all 25 countries. Reviewing more than 40 studies on the impact of immigration on the wages and employment of native-born workers, the authors find little evidence of adverse affects. The McKinsey report, however, finds "surprisingly little emphasis" in most destination countries on "creating a pathway for new arrivals to become more fully integrated into their new homeland." Suggesting that integration policy is a "critical complement to entry policy," the McKinsey study examines integration in three dimensions: economic, social, and civic; identifies indicators for each of these dimensions; and using data from the OECD, provides scores for each indicator for 18 different countries, including the U.S. The report notes that no country performs well across all dimensions of integration. Finally, the report gives examples of promising interventions to support integration.

Free Movement in South America: The Emergence of an Alternative Model?
Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, August 23, 2016, 7 pp.
Author: Diego Acosta
This brief provides a short overview of the history of migration policy in South America, in terms of both regional and extra-regional movement. It suggests that as South American states were developing in the post-independence period, they adopted free movement policies that were a departure from other states' policies at the time. After a turn away from such free movement during the time when many South American states were controlled by military dictatorships, the author suggests that there is an emerging discourse that is supportive of free movement at regional and national levels. The author suggests that three principles inform this discourse: support for open borders, the understanding of migration as a fundamental right, and the noncriminalization of irregular migration. The brief outlines the nature of the discourse and the political realities that either support or hinder the project of ensuring free movement. It highlights the multiple regional agreements already in place that provide a structure for an expansion of free movement, along with the particular commitments of a number of states already committed to the idea. On the other hand, the brief notes that some of the agreements that assert the need for equal treatment of individuals who have moved from one state to another have no legal mechanisms to ensure that these rights are respected. The author sees in South America's openness to free movement a hopeful contrast with trends in the Global North towards more restrictive policies, but he notes the complicated nature of the project. (Erik Jacobson, Montclair State University)

Integrating Refugees into Host Country Labor Markets: Challenges and Policy Options,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 46 pp.
Author: Maria Vincenza Desiderio
Noting that refugees and asylum seekers among all newly arrived migrants have the greatest difficulty finding and retaining work, particularly in the European context, this report suggests ways that receiving societies can promote the goal of early employment. Prepared for the 2016 Plenary Meeting of the Transatlantic Council, the report begins by analyzing how refugees have fared in host country labor markets. On average across 12 European countries, 55 percent of refugees were employed in 2014, compared to 58 percent of family migrants, 73 percent of labor migrants, and 83 percent of those who were employer sponsored. The authors then discuss the specific challenges facing refugees and asylum seekers, including career interruptions and difficulties transferring human capital, transitional housing in locations inaccessible to job markets, and difficulties obtaining authorization to work. The bulk of the report discusses specific policies designed to promote early labor market integration, including pre-departure language or vocational training, early assessment of skills and education, targeted skill recognition procedures to gain access to regulated labor markets, bridging programs to overcome educational gaps, entrepreneurship programs, and "fast track" courses for refugees. The report gives examples of promising practices in Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Germany, and Canada.

Protection through Mobility: Opening Labor and Study Migration Channels to Refugees,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 45 pp.
Authors: Katy Long & Sarah Rosengaertner
Prepared for the 2016 meeting of the Transatlantic Council, this paper discusses the advantages of, as well as the practical obstacles to, using regular migration channels to ease the global refugee crisis. According to the authors, "the question this report...seeks to answer is not whether greater refugee mobility is desirable, but how such mobility could work in concrete terms for the betterment of both refugee and host communities." As most regular migration channels tend to favor skilled immigrants, such approaches will likely benefit only a small fraction of the world's refugees, although Syrian refugees might benefit disproportionately due to their higher educational attainment. If refugees are admitted as students or granted temporary work authorization, then agreements will have to be reached with countries of first asylum to allow refugees' return if they violate the terms of their admission and if conditions remain unstable in their home countries. Receiving countries may also have to waive administrative fees and change documentation requirements to reflect the special circumstances of refugees. The report gives many examples of initiatives around the world to introduce greater flexibility into regular migration programs in order to open up pathways for refugees. The authors observe, however, that these types of arrangements should not be viewed as a panacea, but "as an additional tool in the protection toolkit."

Tackling the Global Refugee Crisis: From Shirking to Sharing Responsibility
Amnesty International, 2016, 39 pp.
Assessing the outcome of the United Nations General Assembly's High-Level Meeting on Refugees and Migrants, held in New York in September 2016, Amnesty International finds that the session "collectively, and spectacularly, failed the 21 million refugees of the world." If all, or most, countries were to take their fair share of refugees, then no one country would be overwhelmed. As it is now, only 30 countries offer resettlement opportunities to refugees, and in the most recent year of record, these countries provided only about 100,000 places, insufficient to meet the needs of the 1 million refugees deemed by the United Nations to be the most vulnerable. The authors also point out that U.N. requests for humanitarian relief for refugees in countries of first asylum have also fallen short. The Amnesty report provides a country-by-country survey of the world refugee landscape, urges more countries to step up to the plate through the introduction of a "system that uses relevant, objective criteria to show each state what their fair share looks like," and proposes meaningful steps to alleviate pressure on countries of first asylum, often shouldering a burden well beyond their means and capacity.

In Challenge Lies Opportunity: How the World Must Respond to Refugees and Mass Migration,
The Elders, September, 2016, 20 pp.
Formed by Nelson Mandela, the Elders are an independent group of world leaders who have come together to advance world peace and human rights. This report reflects their concern for the plight of the growing number of people forced to leave their countries of origin, and their alarm over "the rise of toxic narratives in the West and elsewhere surrounding refugees and migration." The Elders see the mass movement of people "not so much as a short-term problem to be fixed but as a lasting reality that must be properly managed." The report sets out four key principles that should underlie a coherent international response: better coordinated response mechanisms to large flows of people; enhanced assistance to major refugee-hosting countries; increased resettlement opportunities and additional pathways for refugees; and respect for human rights and protection. It is also important for countries to "move beyond words and pledges to concrete actions and delivery."

New Models of International Agreement on Refugee Protection,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 16 pp.
Author: Susan F. Martin
Professor Emeritus in International Migration at Georgetown University, Susan F. Martin directs her attention in this article to the challenges facing the world community in managing the displacement of people from a variety of humanitarian crises around the world. Often, these are crises not covered in formal international treaties, such as the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. She points out that an average of 26.4 million people were displaced annually since 2008 by acute natural hazards, such as hurricanes, cyclones, tsunamis, earthquakes, epidemics and pandemics. Others were displaced by environmental degradation, drought, famine, climate change, and situations of generalized violence and political instability. Legal frameworks for protecting these people, Martin suggests, are "woefully inadequate." While some have called for renegotiating the 1951 convention to cover these situations, or for the development of new international treaties, there is little likelihood that such approaches would succeed. Rather, she sees promise in the effort to develop standards and guidelines that could be embraced by nations on a voluntary basis. She reviews in detail the Nansen Initiative, launched in 2011 with the goal of protecting people displaced across borders by natural disasters and the slow onset effects of climate change. By 2015, the Initiative had produced the "Agenda for the Protection of Cross-Border displaced Persons in the Context of Disasters and Climate Change," which was endorsed by 109 governmental delegations. Governments are free to use the Agenda as a guiding document and to adopt those recommendations that are consistent with national law. Martin concludes by listing reasons to be optimistic about this more pragmatic approach.

Prospects for Responsibility Sharing in the Refugee Context,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 14 pp.
Author: Volker Türk
As Assistant High Commissioner for Protection of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Volker Türk knows something about the challenges facing the international community in dealing with the forcible displacement of 65.3 million people -- the worst refugee crisis since World War II. In this essay, he describes the scope of the problem and outlines a set of "new or emerging approaches" that hold out promise for dealing with the crisis in a meaningful way. One change he cautions against, however, is any attempt to revise the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention because such an attempt "may inadvertently result in many of the hard-won advances in negotiating international refugee protection being undermined." Instead, what is required is an agreement on the part of the world community to share responsibility for addressing the needs of today's refugees, much as the world came together to resolve past refugee crises, such as those in Hungary and Southeast Asia. This year's Secretary-General's report calls for a Global Compact on Responsibility Sharing for Refugees, which Türk calls the "centerpiece of humanitarian action for future engagement in mass influx situations as well as in situations of protracted displacement." Other approaches include the development of new pathways for admission, such as student visas and scholarships, medical evacuation, and family reunification; an increase in cash-based assistance to countries of first asylum to permit the integration of refugees into educational and social service systems; and greater employment opportunities for refugees both in countries of first asylum and settlement.

Welcoming Cities and the Policy and Practice of Refugee and Immigrant Integration: A Transatlantic Perspective,
American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Issue Brief, June, 2016, 8 pp.
Author: Susan Downs-Karkos
How are cities in Germany and the United States responding to the challenge of building welcoming communities? What can local leaders in the U.S. learn from their counterparts in Germany, and vice-versa? These are two of the questions addressed in this essay by Susan Downs-Karkos, Director of Strategic Partnerships at Welcoming America. She also provides an overview of the Welcoming Communities Transatlantic Exchange, "a first-of-its-kind opportunity for sharing ideas, approaches, and inspiration" among local welcoming community leaders in the U.S. and Germany. The first exchange occurred in April 2016, when representatives from five German cities spent nine days touring welcoming communities in Georgia, Idaho, Missouri, and Ohio. The next exchange will involve a delegation from the United States visiting German cities in the fall. Welcoming America will also undertake a six-month study exploring the "feasibility of establishing a Welcoming Germany city network to facilitate stronger connections among German cities..."

Improving Education for Migrant-Background Students: A Transatlantic Comparison of School Funding
Migration Policy Institute & The Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration,
June, 2016, 43 pp.
Authors: Julie Sugarman, Simon Morris-Lange, & Margie McHugh
In order to overcome the disadvantages faced by migrant-background students, such as lack of native language proficiency, limited or interrupted formal education, low socioeconomic status, and in some cases, the impact of physical and psychological trauma endured in countries of origin, policy-makers in immigrant-receiving countries have devised various supplemental school funding mechanisms. This report, funded by a grant from the German foundation Stiftung Mercator, compares and contrasts supplemental funding mechanisms in four countries: Canada, France, Germany and the United States. The report details the mechanics of school funding in each country. There are three main approaches: weighted formulas that increase the amount of school aid for migrant-background students; categorical funding, i.e. separate funding streams to meet the needs of these students; and reimbursement, where schools spend money on these students and then get reimbursed according to predetermined rules. Each mechanism is the product of local circumstances and political traditions, but certain overarching principles can be identified. First, policymakers need to clearly identify the disadvantage they seek to remedy and the criteria they will use to determine whether progress is being made; second, they also need to manage the tension between flexibility and accountability, i.e. rigid systems make it difficult to address local needs; third, governments need to produce granular and relevant data, ideally at the level of student outcomes, to determine whether interventions have been successful; and finally, funding mechanisms should be subject to periodic review to ensure that they are responding to changing circumstances and new challenges.

What's So Special about Canada? Understanding the Resilience of Immigration and Multiculturalism,
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, June, 2016, 21 pp.
Author: Daniel Hiebert
This paper attempts to explain Canada's relatively positive outlook towards immigrants and immigration, and teases out some elements of the Canadian approach that may be replicated by other governments. Canada's consensus on immigration depends in part on viewing immigration through the lens of economic and demographic interests rather than as a test of the integrity of the nation. The downside is that there has been less sympathy for admissions for humanitarian reasons. Political consensus comes in part from the fact that 40 percent of voters are first- or second-generation immigrants, and so appealing to these voters is in the interests of the major political parties. The government involves a wide range of stakeholders in setting admission policy and implementing immigrant integration-including provincial and local governments and the private sector. In 2014-2015, the government's integration services budget averaged $4,000 per permanent resident. Some of the money was spent to prepare Canadian society for the newcomer population, and most of these funds go to local governments and nonprofit agencies in Local Immigration Partnerships, whose core principle is to foster "welcoming communities." Here are some lessons that might be drawn from the Canadian experience: first, the issues of immigration and integration should never be part of the same narrative as national security; second, governments should be more forthcoming about fertility decline in the native population, and how immigration might alleviate the consequent problems of workforce and economic decline; third, bring more stakeholders into the immigration and integration policy and implementation process, to spread a sense of ownership over immigration; fourth, communicate policy decisions clearly and follow through in order to maintain the public's trust; fifth, demonstrate that the government is attentive to policy outcomes, and when unintended outcomes arise, implement corrective action; and sixth, diversify immigration across categories and source regions, so there is no one group around which resentments may coalesce. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Consulting)

Fatal Journeys: Identification and Tracing of Dead and Missing Migrants, Volume 2
International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2016, 108 pp.
Editors: Tara Brian & Frank Laczko
The second in IOM's series of global reports on missing migrants, this report provides an update on global trends in migrant fatalities since 2014 and examines the challenges facing families and authorities seeking to identify and trace missing migrants. A record number of 5,400 migrants are estimated to have died trying to cross borders in 2014, and an additional 3,100 lost their lives in the first five months of 2016. IOM estimates that more than 20,000 migrants have died trying to reach their destination over the last 20 years. Noting that "tens of thousands of families of missing migrants are living in limbo, not knowing the fate of their loved ones," the report proposes a five-point plan of action, involving equal treatment, i.e. responses to migrant deaths should follow the same humanitarian practices when loss of life occurs in commercial shipwrecks, air crashes, natural disasters, or other fatal accidents; standardization of procedures for the identification of the dead; greater efforts to support families, assist their search for missing relatives, provide them with information, and support them while they wait for definite news; development of international and regional databases for both victims and family members searching for missing relatives; and a program of research to better assess the scale of the problem, the challenges faced by local authorities, and the impact on families left behind.

The Global Feminization of Migration: Past, Present, and Future
Migration Policy Institute, June 1, 2016, 9 pp.
Authors: Katherine M. Donato & Donna Gabaccia
Despite a recent "flurry of scholarly attention" to a phenomenon often called the "feminization of migration," the authors of this article argue that the global migration of women and girls has a long history and that the "biggest shifts towards gender balance occurred before 1960" -- although these changes went unnoticed by many scholars and policy makers. Part of the problem stems from some ambiguity as to the meaning of the term, as well as a failure to recognize that gender variations exist across world regions and individual countries. Often, no one explanation suffices for trends observed in the aggregate. In order to make greater sense of gender factors in migration, the authors recommend a shift in terminology. To avoid placing undue emphasis on routine and predictable variations in gender balance, the authors prefer terms such as "gender-balanced" (47 to 53 percent female), "female predominant" (more than 53 percent female), and "heavily female" (more than 75 percent female).

No Way Out? Making Additional Migration Channels Work for Refugees,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, March, 2016, 40 pp.
Authors: Elizabeth Collett, Paul Clewett & Susan Fratzke
Asserting that "a displacement crisis of historic proportions has enveloped the globe," the authors of this report, funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, propose a series of policy initiatives beyond the traditional "durable solutions" of local integration, third country resettlement, and repatriation. With nearly 20 million refugees in the world today, the old approaches are insufficient to cope with the problem. In 2014, only 103,800 refugees were resettled in third countries and only 126,000 returned to their countries of origin. Moreover, most countries of first asylum were unwilling to allow refugees to participate in local labor markets. In addition to these traditional solutions, the authors explore the possibility of opening up existing labor, education, and family migration pathways to refugees. Although "in theory" refugees are eligible to move through these pathways, "in reality, pathways are often blocked by practical, technical, and political obstacles." Among possible strategies to loosen up the system would be for governments to create exemptions to visa caps for refugee populations, expand the categories of eligible family members beyond the nuclear family, or offer additional points to refugee applicants in points-based systems. Another approach would be to allow refugees to pursue higher education opportunities in third countries. However, development and humanitarian organizations would have to offer preparatory courses, either online or in person, in countries of first asylum, so that refugees can fill gaps in their training and qualify to participate in these programs. Clearly, given the scope of the crisis, governments need to "move the needle on refugee mobility" and begin to think outside the box.

The Germany-Turkey Migration Corridor: Refitting Policies for a Transnational Age,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, February, 2016, 24 pp.
Author: Yasar Aydin
Commissioned by the Council to inform deliberations at its 12^th plenary meeting in Lisbon, this study traces the twists and turns of migration movements between Turkey and Germany over the last 65 years and concludes with recommendations to better enable both countries to benefit from these movements. Although the flow of migrants was primarily uni-directional for most of this period, i.e. from Turkey to Germany, it has become "much more circular in recent years, with immigration from Germany to Turkey now outpacing flows in the opposite direction." Improvements in the Turkish economy, along with structural reforms to facilitate the return of Turks living in Germany, have combined to encourage both members of the Turkish diaspora, and other Germans, including retirees, to settle in Turkey. At the same time, with the exception of Turkish students, who enroll in Germany universities in substantial numbers, new migration from Turkey to Germany has slowed to a trickle, with most new migrants being skilled professionals. The author believes that the increased circularity of movement between the two countries should not be seen as a threat to either country, nor as a sign of a failed integration policy. "Increased circulation can aid integration attempts in both countries, encourage bilateral cooperation in a variety of fields, and help stem skills shortages in both countries' workforces."

Emigration Trends and Policies in China: Movement of the Wealthy and Highly Skilled
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration,February 2016, 23 pp.
Author: Biao Xiang
Commissioned by the Council for its 12^th plenary meeting in Lisbon, this study examines emigration trends from China since the introduction of market-oriented reforms in the 1970s. Although China supplied 4 percent of the world's migrants in 2013, its share is disproportionately small considering that the Chinese make up 20 percent of the world's population. Before 1949, Chinese emigrants were primarily low-skilled or unskilled; today, wealthy and highly-skilled migrants tend to predominate. Indeed, high-skilled migration is rising fast, while low-skilled is largely stagnant. For example in 2014, Chinese nationals received 85 percent of all immigrant investor (EB-5) visas in the United States. Similarly, in Australia, Chinese nationals received 87 percent of all Significant Investor Visas between 2012 and 2015. These numbers will likely hold steady, if not increase, in the future, as polling suggests that many wealthy Chinese are seeking to leave the country, in part to escape high levels of pollution, a legal climate not conducive to entrepreneurship, and fears about long-term political and social stability. The number of students going abroad to study is also skyrocketing. China is the largest source country of foreign students in the U.S., making up 31 percent of all such students. Most of these students cover their own expenses, rather than relying on scholarship support, making them an important income stream for American universities. The report also discusses the impediments to unskilled emigration. Despite comprising 25 percent of the world labor force, China contributed only 1 percent of unskilled international labor migration in the 2010s. "Increasingly detailed government regulations have slowed down the recruitment process, while driving up costs for migrants as more and more actors become involved."

Europe's Migration Crisis in Context: Why Now and What Next?
Migration Policy Institute, September 24, 2015, 8 pp.
Authors: Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan & Susan Fratzke
This article provides an overview of the refugee protection crisis facing Europe - a crisis that, according to the author, may well persist into the foreseeable future and become the "new normal." The authors suggest that old approaches are inadequate for dealing with the present reality. The current refugee resettlement system offers resettlement opportunities to roughly 105,000 -- less than 1 percent of all refugees displaced globally (2014 data). As almost half of the world's refugees have been displaced for five years or more, a "care and maintenance" approach has led to the "warehousing" of refugees. Many of these refugees in countries of first asylum, including Syrians in Jordan and Lebanon, are barred from working and sending their children to school and endure conditions of extreme poverty. Moreover, donations from the international community have not kept pace with the scale of the relief needs, leading to a cut in food rations for refugees. In addition to these "push" factors, the use of social media, facilitating communication along migratory routes, coupled with policy pronouncements by European governments, have created enabling (or pull) factors encouraging migration to Europe. The authors suggest that Europe needs to think about migration challenges in a much more "comprehensive" manner. "Giving in to the impulses to erect bigger fences without concomitantly dealing with the root causes of these movements will only serve to deepen the pockets of smugglers, not reduce the flows themselves."

Rethinking Emigration: Turning Challenges into Opportunities: Council Statement
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, November, 2015, 17 pp.
Author: Demetrios G. Papademetriou
The author wrote this paper in preparation for the 12^th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration held in Lisbon in 2015 and devoted to the theme: "Rethinking Emigration: A Lost Generation or a New Era of Mobility." The paper focuses on the phenomenon of "brain drain" in the European context, i.e. the growing numbers of educated Europeans from economically distressed countries like Greece, Ireland, and Italy who are migrating to other parts of the European Union and overseas. Previously dynamic countries that had attracted immigrants are now reverting to their traditional roles as countries of emigration. The loss of this educated cohort can deal a serious blow to the struggling economies of these countries. However, the scale of the problem needs to be kept in perspective. Only 2.8 percent of E.U. citizens reside in a different country from their country of citizenship, compared to 5.6 percent of U.S. residents who live in a different state than they did five years earlier. Many educated Europeans go abroad for temporary periods and may return home to raise families. Nonetheless, the paper contains suggestions as to how governments can take advantage of their "diasporas" in other countries. First and foremost, they should be treated as "extensions" of the "national talent and expertise pool" and "engagement" should be the responsibility of specific departments of national governments. Engagement strategies might include: "(1) granting political and legal rights (such as dual nationality and property rights) to keep nationals invested in their country of origin and to potentially facilitate their return; (2) setting the stage for diaspora members to use their talents and resources to create or facilitate economic opportunities in their homelands; and (3) motivating engagement by creating and nurturing emotional links."

World Migration Report 2015: Migrants and Cities, New Partnerships to Manage Mobility,
International Organization for Migration, 2015, 202 pp.
This year's report focuses on the intersection of migration and urbanization. The authors observe that researchers and policy makers working in the areas of urban planning and sustainable development often overlook migration. "There is a glaring absence of the mention of migrants," they note, in United Nations planning for the 2016 Habitat III conference in 2016 devoted to the development of a new global urban agenda. Yet, migration, both internal and international, is a major driving force behind the movement of people to cities. The current world urban population of 3.9 billion (54 percent of humanity) is expected to grow to 6.4 billion by 2050, making urbanization "the dominant challenge of the twenty-first century." If cities are to manage this growth, and reap the benefits of migration-induced diversity, they must integrate and invest in their migrant communities. The report examines the various urban settings impacted by migration, the vulnerabilities faced by migrants, and how urbanization and new mobility patterns can contribute to urban revitalization and poverty reduction.

Beyond Asylum: Rethinking Protection Policies to Meet Sharply Escalating Needs,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, 14 pp.
Author: Demetrios G. Papademetriou
This "statement" on refugee and asylum policy was produced by the 13^th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration held in Brussels in December of 2014. The document argues that the global refugee protection system has failed to meet the needs of not only the soaring number of refugees in the world, but also the communities providing protection. In 2013, 86 percent of the global refugee population resided in developing countries - countries which bear the brunt of this massive displacement of population. The Council calls for the creation of a "comprehensive protection strategy," predicated on the importance of early intervention and an "all-of-government approach," involving the coordination of ministries in the humanitarian, development, security, and migration sectors. "Governments far from the frontlines of a crisis will need to come to terms with the idea that intervention is most effective early on - before chaos has erupted - or risk missing opportunities to lower the long-term costs of a crisis." The statement envisions the mobilization of existing development resources to aid refugee populations, as well as the "tweaking" of migration policies to allow more refugees to use student and temporary worker mechanisms to migrate legally to more advanced countries. Other prescriptions include greater involvement on the part of middle-income countries, and more effective public information policies in western countries to ensure continued public support of refugee protection efforts. In order to avoid "protection fatigue," national governments and international actors must find ways to "break the current cycle of instability, conflict, and forced displacement."

Immigration's Enigma Principle: Protection and Paradox,
Keynote Address, Academic & Policy Symposium, Center for Migration Studies,
October 28, 2015, 6 pp.
Author: David A. Martin
In reflecting on the chaotic refugee situation in Europe and the disarray it has caused among members states of the European Union, David A. Martin, Distinguished Professor of International Law at the University of Virginia and former General Counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the Clinton Administration, puts forward the concept of the "enigma principle" as a guide to policy development in the field of refugee protection. The principle is borrowed from the movie "The Imitation Game," which told the story of Alan Turing and his team of British code-breakers during World War II. Once they cracked the Nazi code, they had to make agonizing decisions about when to intervene to stop an attack. If they acted too swiftly, they would alert the Germans that their communication system had been breached. The decryption had "to be used strategically and selectively, in order to preserve its long-term potential" to save lives. What does this principle have to do with refugee protection? Martin believes that "protection must observe limits, sometimes painful and counterintuitive limits, in order to maximize protection strategically." Third country resettlement cannot be implemented "for all who might have a just claim," especially given the level of displacement in the world today. His position "is a product of realism about the strains that migration, especially high-volume migration or sudden influxes, can bring to a society, about the material capacities of receiving states, and, most importantly, about preservation of the political space needed to minimize backlash and keep a healthy level of relocational opportunity alive."

How the World Views Migration,
International Organization for Migration, 2015, 59 pp.
Authors: Neli Esipova et al
Based on Gallup interviews with over 183,000 adults in more than 140 countries, this report represents "the first steps toward understanding the lenses through which people view immigration at a global level." The researchers asked two questions: "in your view, should immigration in this country be kept at its present level, increased or decreased?" and "do you think immigrants mostly take jobs that citizens in this country do not want (e.g. low-paying or not prestigious jobs), or mostly take jobs that citizens in this country want?" With the important exception of Europe, people in every region of the world are more likely to want immigration levels to either stay the same or increase. In the case of Europe, there is a sharp difference of opinion between people in Northern and Southern Europe. "The majority of adults in Northern European countries - except for those in the United Kingdom - would like immigration levels to either stay the same or increase, while most residents in Southern European countries would prefer to have lower levels of immigration..." People with university degrees and younger people throughout all regions tend to be more positive about immigration. With regard to the second question seeking opinions on the prevalence of job competition, the way people answer the first question tends to be predictive as to how they answer the second.

Rethinking Global Protection: New Channels, New Tools
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, April, 2015, 12 pp.
Author: Kathleen Newland
Noting that the international system for the protection of refugees is under unprecedented strain, with the numbers of displaced people at highs unseen since World War II, the author reviews the reasons for the current crisis and describes two new approaches with the potential to reform and reinvigorate the current protection regime. One involves integrating development programming with the traditional "care-and-maintenance models of protection." An example is a recent decision by the European Union to provide a 180 million euro developmental aid package for Syrians displaced by war. Another approach, which is only in the planning stages, would open channels of regular mobility to refugees, including labor migration, family reunification with relatives already resettled elsewhere, and international study programs. Efforts to help displace people obtain travel documents and security clearances would expedite their participation in such programs. The author notes that the Refugee Convention makes no reference to humanitarian assistance to refugees, yet that has become the "default response to refugee crises." As humanitarian assistance inevitably falls short and offers little hope of a long-term solution, these types of new tools and approaches should be considered. This research was commissioned for the 2014 plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council, which was devoted to theme of" Refitting the Global Protection System to Meet the Challenges of Modern Crises."

Korea should face its demographic crisis head on
Brookings, June 18, 2015, 7 pp.
Author: Katharine H.S. Moon
This short paper discusses the implications of South Korea's extremely low birth rate of 1.19 children per woman -- one of the lowest fertility rates in the world. A recent government survey revealed that fewer than 50 percent of female respondents felt that marriage was something they should do in life. In this context, immigration becomes crucial to sustaining the Korean labor force, continuing the country's economic growth, and maintaining the strength of the Korean military. Changes are already apparent in Korean society. "The face of the homogeneous South Korea we once knew is literally changing before our eyes as hundreds of thousands of foreign-born women marry Korean men." These women tend to be from the three Asian countries of China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Korean society is changing to accommodate this diversity. No longer do most Koreans believe that a "Korean bloodline" is essential to being Korean, and school authorities are revising textbooks to showcase the increasing heterogeneity of Korean society.

Into the Mainstream: Rethinking Public Services for Diverse and Mobile Populations,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, June, 2015, 41 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton, Helen McCarthy, & Elizabeth Collett
According to the authors, this report represents "the first systematic attempt to analyse how mainstreaming was being developed at the local level, and specifically how its principles (such as whole-of-government cooperation, local flexibility, or diversity awareness) were being applied." Synthesizing findings from UPSTREAM, a five-country European project to assess how governments at all levels were responding to the immigrant integration challenge and whether their efforts represent a trend toward "mainstreaming," the report explores six areas of activity: educating immigrant children, addressing inequalities in accessing publicly funded services, building cohesive communities, improving funding flexibility at the local level, designing "whole-of-government" approaches, and using data to promote integration outcomes. The report describes the "essence" of "mainstreaming" as "a shift away from stand-alone policies that target newcomers toward a whole-of-government approach to diversity across the society at large." The authors point out, however, that mainstreaming can have both positive and negative outcomes -- positive if it brings about greater coordination across government to address the needs of immigrants and other groups, or negative if it becomes "an excuse for retrenchment and inaction." The report concludes with a series of recommendations to "ensure that services are attuned to the needs of diverse groups and new arrivals," a process that the authors describe as "diversity- and mobility-proofing public services." Among the recommendations are the following: set up structures for horizontal coordination across governmental departments, rebrand mainstreaming as "adapting services to diverse and mobile populations," and rigorously audit and evaluate services to ensure that targeted groups are being effectively served.

The Return of Banishment: Do the New Denationalization Policies Weaken Citizenship,
European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship (EUDO)
Authors: Audrey Macklin et al
Through its Citizenship Forum, EUDO encourages "open debates based on evidence and knowledge, and conducted in a spirit of mutual respect." A scholar expert in a particular area initiates each debate. For this debate on the subject of legislation passed in several countries, including the UK and Canada, permitting the revocation of citizenship for individuals involved in terrorist activities abroad, the kickoff contribution is by Audrey Macklin of the University of Toronto. She argues that such laws are unwise because they fail to accomplish any worthwhile purpose. Of the 13 respondents, four are affiliated with American universities or law schools: Linda Bosniak (Rutgers), Peter Spiro (Temple), Peter H. Schuck (Yale), and Daniel Kanstroom (Boston College). Describing such laws as "security-related theater," Spiro agrees with Macklin. Schuck, on the other hand, can envision circumstances when denationalization may be justified, especially when there are proper safeguards against government abuse of this power. Kanstroom agrees with Macklin's conclusion, but not how she arrives at it. He would ground the argument against denationalization in a human rights framework; this type of law, he contends, is symptomatic of a broader effort by governments to deny people basic human rights through exclusion and deportation. Bosniak draws lessons from the debate surrounding the assassination of U.S. citizen Anwar al-Awlaki. She observes that although citizenship status is more secure in the U.S. than elsewhere in the world, the willingness of the government to resort to assassination as a "technique for permanent elimination" makes the discussion about citizenship moot.

Destination China: The Country Adjusts to its New Migration Reality,
Migration Policy Institute, March 4, 2015, 6 pp.
Author: Heidi Østbø Haugen
Although immigrants remains a small fraction of China's overall population (594,000 out of a total population of 1.35 billion), the number has been steadily rising, according to this report, spurred in part by a "relatively lenient" visa policy dating back to the 1985 Law of Administration of Entrance and Exit of Foreigners. After an 8-year process of review, China adopted a comprehensive new law to govern immigration in 2012, designed in part to combat illegal entry and residence. The new law mirrors legislation in the West, which seeks to encourage high-skilled immigrants while discouraging low-skilled. Specifically, the new law makes it easier for overseas Chinese to take up residence in China and introduces a new visa category to attract more skilled foreigners without prior ties to China. The article also describes the plight of irregular migrants, particularly Africans, who are often at the mercy of local authorities who can act harshly or leniently in a system characterized by a "de facto decentralization of immigration law enforcement." Many immigrants are in a catch-22 situation, unable to regularize their status and unable to leave the country, because of the jail time and heavy fines imposed under the law.

Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe: What Role for Origin Countries' Subnational Authorities?
Migration Policy Institute Europe, February, 2015, 27 pp.
Authors: Özge Bilgili & Llire Agimi
it's not often that policymakers in immigrant receiving countries examine the role of sending countries, particularly regional authorities and cities within those countries, in helping to integrate immigrants. This report, based on an examination of the literature and interviews with key officials, seeks to unravel the connection. As such, it is "the first attempt to investigate how the activities of origin countries regional and local institutions may improve the lives of emigrants to member states of the European Union (EU)." The report is a work product of the INTERACT project funded by the European Union -- described as "the first comprehensive attempt to explore the role of origin countries in the integration of migrants in destination countries." The report notes that many immigrant-origin countries (including Morocco, Turkey, and Mexico) now operate on the assumption that well-integrated immigrants have more to offer their countries of origin than immigrants who are not. However, the activities on the national level often overshadow initiatives on the regional and local level. One example of the latter are the city-to-city exchanges that help create a climate of acceptance for immigrants in their new societies. The report also gives examples of local initiatives in the area of health and employment. The researchers conclude with a summary of the challenges involved in promoting greater local-to-local cooperation, Including constraints in origin countries, such as a lack of resources on the local level to engage in these kinds of activities, and constraints in destination countries, including the eclipse of the multicultural model and concerns over human rights violations in origin countries.

Aiming Higher: Policies to Get Immigrants into Middle-Skilled Work in Europe,
Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Organization, November, 2014, 34 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton et al
This report summarizes some of the key findings and lessons learned from a 6-country study of efforts to promote the labor market integration of immigrants in Europe. In general, the report finds little cause for optimism; immigrant unemployment and underemployment have been "intractable" problems in most countries. Few programs look at the progression of immigrants in the labor market, as opposed to their need for entry level work. Efforts to mainstream immigrant integration by using the resources of public employment services have not yet produced favorable results, in part because staff members are not trained to deliver services to the immigrant population and few staff members specialize in this area. The report offers a series of recommendations for policymakers, including improving the incentives and training for public employment agencies to address immigrant integration issues; funding partnerships between employers and training institutions to support apprenticeships and work experience programs; improving the coordination of policies and information sharing among all agencies and levels of government with responsibility for integration outcomes; and more effective evaluation of integration programs, e.g. looking at their impacts over the long-term. The authors also encourage investments in distance learning in order to reach immigrants who are already working, albeit in entry level work, and to minimize costs in a time of fiscal austerity.

International Migration Outlook 2014,
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), December, 2014, 428 pp.
Prepared for the OECD's 2014 High-level Policy Forum on Migration, this publication is the 38^th in a series of annual OECD publications on global migration. Immigrants now make up 10 percent of the population, or 115 million people , in the 34 OECD countries. The publication includes reports for each of these countries detailing major policy changes and developments during the previous year. The publication also includes an essay on how member states are facilitating the labor market integration of immigrants, with particular attention to skilled immigrants, who constitute a growing percentage of all immigrants in the OECD space. Another essay discusses how member states are trying to calibrate labor migration to spur economic development. Finally, a summary essay looks at migration trends across all OECD member states. Migration rebounded in 2013 showing an average increase of 1 percent with significant variations from country to country. The authors note that Germany has now become the 2^nd most important destination for immigrants (up from 9^th place in 2009), whereas the intake of immigrants in the U.S. shrank by 4 percent in 2013 compared to the previous year.

Comprehensive Immigration Reform(s): Immigration Regulation Beyond Our Borders,
Yale Journal of International Law, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2013 University of Iowa Legal Studies Research paper No. 14-17, 86 pp.
Author: Stella Burch Elias
How should responsibilities for immigration be divided between federal, state, and local governments? This is the question that the author of this study seeks to answer through an examination of the experience of three other countries with federal systems: Australia, Canada, and Germany. Despite the Supreme Court's 2012 ruling in Arizona v United States reasserting the federal government's supremacy in the immigration arena, the author argues that inclusionary policy-making on the state and local level will likely increase, as exclusionary policies fade. Noting that there has been a "gap in scholarship" on the "interjurisdictional" nature of immigration policy-making, she attempts to fill this gap by examining the "rich points of comparison" in the evolution of other federal systems grappling with high levels of immigration. Although it is "too soon to regard any system as a paradigmatic, well-established, and successful alternative to the current American model," the three countries "appear to be approaching some degree of convergence and consensus" in their willingness to engage state and local partners in immigration policy-making. There are three main conclusion to the study: first, that states could play a more active and meaningful role in the initial selection of immigrants; second, "the power to inquire into immigration status should be exercised sparingly and, where possible, should only be attempted under the direct supervision of federal immigration officers;" and third, the kinds of immigrant integration plans that have been implemented in the three countries are worthy of study in the U.S., even if the U.S. federal government lacks the power under the 10^th Amendment to impose such a plan on the states.

No Quick Fix: Policies to Support the Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Sweden,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI) and International Labour Office, September, 2014, 22 pp.
Author: Henrik Emilsson
Produced with financial support from the European Union, this report is part of a project undertaken by MPI and the International Labour Office called "The Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Europe." Despite major policy reforms in Sweden designed to address persistently high unemployment rates among immigrants, the author observes that Sweden has "not yet broken the back of this considerable challenge." The problem is especially severe among non-European migrants and those who were admitted to Sweden as humanitarian migrants. On the demand side of the labor market, employers are reluctant to hire newcomers because of high minimum wages, strong job protection legislation, and "large tax wedges" (the difference between workers' take-home pay and what it costs to employ them). The author reviews the various reforms that have been put in place since 2006 to address the problem, including moving responsibility for Sweden's immigrant "introduction" program to the public employment service (PES), offering bonuses to immigrants who complete the introduction program quickly, the development of a new training course called Shortcut for higher skilled immigrants, providing subsidized work experiences (subsidies of 80 percent of employer wage costs are available for a maximum of two years), and offering Swedish courses for professionals in particular occupational areas. The author, however, is dubious that these measures will prove effective. "Despite increased government spending, improved access to labor market services, and a willingness to try innovative measures, outcomes have not improved... Changing immigration policy - or perhaps, completely redesigning the basic structure of the welfare state - might be the only way to significantly improve outcomes."

Building Inclusive Cities: Challenges in the Multilevel Governance of Immigrant Integration in Europe,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, September, 2014, 17 pp.
Author: Dirk Gebhardt
This paper examines the level of coordination between EU national and local governments on immigrant integration policy and practice. The author notes that cities and national governments often pursue conflicting objectives. As city administrations are more sensitive to the needs of immigrants and to the importance of social cohesion, they tend to pursue "soft" inclusion policies that aim to empower immigrants and provide them with the civic, social, language, and economic skills to contribute to the community. This approach often collides with the "hard" approach of national governments that may limit the rights of particular categories of immigrants. Some national governments, particularly in the Nordic countries, have pursued active and successful partnerships with local governments, but most have not. The paper describes a range of innovative programs that have been developed in European cities to promote immigrant integration. These programs are grouped into four categories: adapting local institutions to better reflect the diversity in the community, combatting discrimination, adapting local employment services, and addressing the negative effects of segregation. The author concludes with three overarching recommendations: improve policy coordination between national and local governments in areas of shared competence, ensure that integration programming is rigorously evaluated at all levels, and utilize EU frameworks and funding to support "vertical" coordination as well as "horizontal" coordination.

Advancing Outcomes for All Minorities: Experiences of Mainstreaming Immigrant Integration Policy in the United Kingdom,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), July, 2014, 27 pp.
Author: Sundas Ali & Ben Gidley
This is one of four country reports by MPI on efforts to "mainstream" immigrant integration in the European Union (the other reports cover Denmark, France, and Germany). Despite its large immigrant population (13 percent of the UK's population in 2011 was foreign-born), the UK has generally pursued integration goals under the label of "minority" policy, with a strong emphasis on antidiscrimination and race relations. Important pieces of legislation were the 1976 Race Relations Act, which protects people from discrimination based on national origin. A follow-up law in 2000 (Race Relations Amendment Act) obligated local authorities to promote equality of opportunity and amicable relations between people of different racial backgrounds. As the UK traditionally grants considerable authority to regional and local governments, much of the report discusses sub-national initiatives to promote integration through broader programs, such as social cohesion, education, youth, and general diversity programs

Future EU Policy Development on Immigration and Asylum: Understanding the Challenge,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, May, 2014, 11 pp.
Author: Elizabeth Collett
Despite unstable times, the European Union is developing the next phase of its immigration policy. This brief reviews the situation since the 1999 Tampere Programme, the first attempt to develop a policy framework and common language on immigration for Member States. Due to the global economic downturn, the Arab Spring, the Lisbon Treaty, and changing national concerns, the Stockholm Programme (2010-14) has been less effective than its forerunners. More effort has been spent reviewing existing legislation than developing new frameworks and regulatory consensus. Furthermore, the global economic crisis has created a level of instability that has reduced cooperation on immigration-related matters . Moreover, the Arab Spring exodus prompted discussion of reintroducing internal borders, which overshadowed collaborative migration policy, and anti-immigration parties increased their share of the electorate in several countries. This MPI brief is the first of three that will be released to guide policy development on immigration post-Stockholm. According to the author, future policy development requires looking 10-15 years ahead to examine needs, develop a collective vision of success, and devise benchmarks to measure success in the short-term. New policy must have inherent value for governments, achieve goals that require partnerships to accomplish, and demonstrate value for the people of all member states. (Colin Liebtag)

Moving Up or Standing Still? Access to Middle-Skilled Work for Newly Arrived Migrants in the European Union,
Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Office, July, 2014, 25 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton, Susan Fratzke, & Madeleine Sumption
This summary report marks the completion of a series of six case studies on integration outcomes for immigrants in six E.U. countries: the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The project seeks to identify the conditions enabling immigrants to obtain employment upon arrival and to progress from lower-skilled work to middle-skilled jobs. Among factors that seem to be associated with employment and that are analyzed in the report are: education levels; visa category at entry, e.g. employment, refugee, family reunification; and source countries, e.g. E.U. vs non-E.U. In some countries (Czech Republic, Spain, and the U.K.), initial employment rates were high; in other countries, employment rates were lower but improved over time. While most immigrants eventually find employment, the path to better-paying jobs seems to be blocked. The "brain waste" problem is especially noticeable for the many well-educated immigrants that these countries have attracted over the last decade. "In every country, immigrant remained more likely than the workforce on average to be in low-skilled work after several years, even after education levels were taken into account." The case study findings raise several questions for policy makers in Europe, including whether current integration services for new arrivals are working, whether and how to provide "a second chance to acquire skills," whether pathways can be created from low-skilled to middle- or high-skilled employment, how to adjust admission policy to ensure better employment outcomes, and how to respond to the diversity in background and skill levels of the immigrant population.

Moving Up the Ladder? Labor Market Outcomes in the United Kingdom amid Rising Immigration,
Migration Policy Institute and the International Labour Office, 2014, 21 pp.
Author: Tommaso Frattini
One of six, country-specific case studies in a research project called "The Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Europe," this report examines the first decade of the 21st century -- a period of "unprecedented boom" in immigrant arrivals in the UK. From 2000 to 2012, the percentage of foreign-born workers rose from 9.7 percent to 15.6 percent of the working-age population, the great majority of whom came from member states of the EU, including the "new accession" countries of Central and Eastern Europe. These new arrivals have been, on average, younger and better educated than the native population. For example, 47 percent of immigrants from the new accession countries have been "highly educated," compared with 26 percent of the native-born population. The rate for immigrants from outside the European Union is even higher at 51 percent. However, the employment rate for immigrants as a whole in 2012 (68 percent) was lower than the rate for natives (73 percent) but with significant variations depending on region of origin. The report examines immigrant occupational trends by industry sector and finds disturbing evidence of "brain waste" among highly-educated immigrants, some of whom find themselves stuck in low-wage occupations.

A Work in Progress: Prospects for Upward Mobility Among new Immigrants in Germany,
Migration Policy Institute and International Labour Office, 23 pp.
Author: Nadia Granato
This study examines employment trends for three cohorts of immigrants who arrived in Germany over the last decade: the first between 1998 and 2000, the second between 2003 and 2005, and the last between 2007 and 2009. The author classifies immigrants according to their countries of origin, with six groupings used to simplify the analysis, two of which (EU-15 and EU Eastern European) refer to other countries of the European Union. During the periods in question, immigration from EU Eastern European states rose while immigration from Turkey declined. Employment rates upon arrival were highest for the most recent cohort of immigrants. For all cohorts, however, employment rates were highest for immigrants from other EU countries and lowest for immigrants from Turkey and non-European countries. The report goes on to track employment outcomes for all groups over time, including the extent to which immigrants occupy low-skilled, middle-skilled, and high-skilled occupations.

European Modules on Migrant Integration
European Commission, February, 2014, 19 pp.
Developed with input from migration experts in the European Union, the European Commission has published the final version of its Modules on Migrant Integration. The purpose of this project "is to provide a common language and a reference framework regarding integration." According to the authors, modules should go beyond simply the collection of good practices. "Modules should take knowledge exchange to the next level by providing Member States with negotiated recommendations on how to improve their integration policies and practices, based on the best existing evidence of what works." The Modules cover three main areas: language and acclimation courses, receiving society commitments, and immigrant civic participation. The receiving society area is broken down into four sub-sections: preventing discrimination, ensuring equal access to public services, ensuring equal access to the labor market, and improving the public perception of migration and migrants. The civic participation area encompasses political participation, intercultural and interreligious dialogue, and participation in civil sector organizations. The Modules include side bars discussing the evidence base (rated as low, medium, or high) for recommended practices.

Slow Motion: The Labor Market Integration of New Immigrants in France,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 22 pp.
Authors: Patrick Simon & Elsa Steichen
This report assesses the labor market outcomes of recent immigrants to France, with particular attention to employment rates. The analysis probes differences based on time of arrival, educational level, nationality background, and gender. Structural barriers, such as prohibitions against the hiring of foreign-born people in certain occupations, and the French government's policy of prioritizing family migration over economic migration, have resulted in overall employment rates for immigrants being 10 percentage points lower than native workers in 2011. The report also finds that "overqualification is widespread," especially among immigrants from North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. From 2003 to 2011, it ranged from 39 percent on average among all new immigrants (compared to 20 percent for natives and 32 percent for long-established immigrants) to 55% for newly arrived North Africans and 61 percent for newly arrived sub-Saharan Africans."

Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe? Developing the Governance for Diaspora Engagement,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 63 pp.
Author: Maria Vincenza Desiderio
As more and more immigrant origin countries recognize the development potential of their diasporas abroad, and understand the connection between immigrant integration in receiving societies and successful diaspora engagement, the potential for dialogue and collaboration between immigrant origin and immigrant receiving countries on policies and programs for immigrant integration has grown. This is the thesis of this paper produced by the INTERACT Project, which explores how policies of governments and non-state actors in origin countries complement or contradict the integration strategies of member states of the European Union. Now that some of the traditional origin countries of European migrants, e.g. Morocco and Turkey, have entered a "transition" stage, acting themselves as magnets for migrants while continuing to send their own citizens abroad, the basis for such cooperation may be even stronger. The paper maps out the complex, multi-level and multi-layered governance structure of migration in both the European Union and three major sending countries: India, Morocco, and Turkey. Describing this effort as "one of the first of its kind," the authors urge the development of "a comprehensive and frequently updated international database of institutional actors participating in the design and implementation of integration-related policies..." Additional research, the authors continue, should also focus on the potential for collaboration between local and regional authorities in origin countries and their counterparts in the European Union. Finally, the paper suggests that "an incremental, modest, and flexible approach to cooperation," such as dialogue between policy makers in specific sectors and limited-scope agreements between a small group of countries with similar characteristics, "is more likely to bear fruit in a reasonable time-frame, than broadly comprehensive and overly ambitious negotiations."

The Future of Immigrant Integration in Europe: Mainstreaming approaches for Inclusion,
Migration Policy Institute, March, 2014, 36 pp.
Authors: Elizabeth Collett & Milica Petrovic
This report examines "the next generation of immigrant integration policymaking" and defines "mainstreaming" as "the effort to reach people with a migration background through social programming and policies that also target the general population." In place of, or in addition to, stand-alone integration programs, mainstreaming involves the effort to "embed" immigrant integration into programs that serve the general population. The report is based on ten months of research including an extensive literature review, detailed country case studies, in-depth interviews, and study visits to four countries: Denmark, France, Germany, and the U.K (MPI Europe will be publishing separate reports on integration efforts in each of the four countries over the course of the coming year). According to the authors, the idea of mainstreaming immigrant integration has emerged only recently, and little research has been produced on the subject, largely because of its complexity. The impulse to mainstream services stems from the fact that European societies are becoming more diverse, with growing numbers of second-and third-generation immigrants, who may face barriers not fully addressed in traditional integration programs. In addition, there is a widespread perception that there has been only "glacial progress in narrowing educational and employment gaps between native and immigrant populations" and that "some populations are becoming ever more segregated from mainstream society." The report argues that a successful mainstreaming strategy needs to address three critical elements: discourse, governance, and policy. Each of these elements can be "deliberate" or "de facto or organic." An example of a deliberate discourse strategy would be Germany's National Action Plan on Integration. An example of a de facto discourse strategy would be the social inclusion and ‘big society" plans in the U.K. The report is replete with examples of mainstreaming approaches in the four countries. Although the authors note that it is too soon to identify best practices, especially as evaluation and assessment of new policies and practices are lacking, the authors conclude by recommending "a number of elements that policymakers should take into account," including setting clear goals, building political will, and creating regular coordinating and reporting mechanisms.

Climate Change Refugees,
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (forthcoming), February 26, 2014, 19 pp.
Author: Matthew Lister
This paper makes the case for a "modest" change in the international definition of refugee in order to grant protection to certain types of "climate change refugees." i.e. those displaced when "an entire state or territory is rendered uninhabitable." The meaning of the U.N. definition of refugee is someone with "a well-founded fear based on persecution." Those fleeing their homes due to climate change are not considered to be persecuted, and are therefore excluded from refugee status. According to the author, however, the "logic" of the refugee convention, in particular the principle of non-refoulement to a life-threatening situation, suggests a different approach. Refugee status should be granted to those affected by "environmental disruptions" anticipated to be permanent and severe enough to eliminate the possibility for a minimum standard of living. This paper provides the example of a sinking island with limited fresh water availability as a scenario in which individuals should be granted refugee status as a result of climate change. In this example the sinking island would no longer be able to sustain the original island population due to limited fresh water resources, and therefore portions of the population would require relocation and resettlement. Considering the pervasive global impact of climate change, adoption of this new definition of refugee would not apply to all groups affected by environmental disruptions-such as temporarily displaced persons or individuals able to relocate internally within their country. Rather the proposed expansion of the UNHCR refugee status would be reserved for individuals whose communities are uninhabitable, and where internal resettlement is not a feasible option. The author suggests that legally defining this protection for climate change refugees is a necessary first step to address this issue and the needs of those requiring resettlement due to environmental factors. (Jade Flora-Holmquiest)

Human Rights, Climate Change, Environmental Degradation and Migration: A New Paradigm,
International Organization for Migration & Migration Policy Institute, March, 2014, 11 pp.
Authors: Rabab Fatima, Anita Jawadurovna Wadud & Sabira Coelho
In this policy brief, IOM and MPI explore the extent to which existing international human rights frameworks cover the plight of people displaced by environmental degradation or climate change, particularly in the vulnerable areas of south Asia and the Pacific. Most of the existing guidelines and instruments only cover people displaced by sudden-onset natural disasters, not migration caused by slow-onset environmental degradation. This report identifies three main weaknesses with existing standards: victims are not provided any entitlement to enter or stay in another country; there are no criteria to distinguish between voluntary and forced movement; and questions regarding statelessness are not addressed, as when island states disappear over time. Despite the identified drawbacks, IOM and MPI argue that taking a soft law approach towards climate environmentally forced migration is more realistic and preferable over a hard law approach. The authors argue that the soft law approach is a suitable option in the interim period before the international community develops a legally binding solution, which is often an arduous and lengthy process. Researchers in the field predict that millions of individuals will become displaced as a result of climate change and environmental degradation in the future-in 2012 alone there were 29 million people displaced by extreme weather events. The authors note that there is a "growing recognition that the international protection of ‘people on the move' is no longer simply about refugees. Just as the international community worked to develop the Guiding Principles on Internally Displace Persons in the 90s, so too can the same be done for environmentally-induced refugees. Without a universal definition of these environmentally displaced persons, the international community lacks the framework from which to establish rights and protections for this highly vulnerable category of migrants. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)

Human Smuggling and Trafficking into Europe: A comparative Perspective,
Migration Policy Institute, February, 2014, 23 pp.
Author: Louise Shelley
The research for this report was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration for its 8^th plenary meeting in Washington, D.C., in June of 2012 devoted to the theme of "Curbing the Influence of ‘Bad Actors' in International Migration." In 2010, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, there were an estimated 140,000 trafficking victims in Europe, generating an annual profit of approximately three billion dollars for exploiters. The extent of the human smuggling problem in Europe is hard to gauge, although its scope can be inferred from the size of the unauthorized immigrant population in the European Union, which was estimated to be from 1.9 million to 3.8 million in 2008. In this report smuggled migrants are understood to be consensual participants, paying smugglers to aid their illegal entry into another country. Trafficked persons however, are unwilling, often enslaved and exploited, participants in commercial sex work or forced labor. Although a delineation is made between smuggling and trafficking in this report, these categories are often less distinguishable in reality-e.g. individuals who begin as consenting smuggled migrants, may then become trafficked persons exploited by their smugglers. Whether smuggled or trafficked, these individuals are highly vulnerable populations, often the victims of severe and/or repeated human rights violations. MPI reports that victims in Europe have fewer protections available to them than victims in the U.S.-for example, in several European countries, temporary visas, protections or other forms of assistance are dependent upon a victim's usefulness and cooperation in the prosecution of perpetrators; more durable solutions such as the "T" visa in the U.S. are not available. The report discusses smuggling routes, the profile of traffickers and smugglers, the profile of victims, smuggling routes, the role of corruption in expediting the movement of people, and the impact of smuggling and trafficking on European societies. MPI offers the following policy proposals in response to the expanding global issue of human smuggling and trafficking: reduce demand for trafficked women and forced labor by enlisting the help of governments, the private sector, and civil society; enhance awareness of and adherence to countertrafficking policies among consumers and businesses; address policy discrepancies between and within countries; decrease profits for exploiters; and improve labor laws to allow for the legal migration of workers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)

Morocco: Setting the Stage for Becoming a Migration Transition Country?
Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, March 19, 2014
Author: Hein de Haas
Starting in the 1970s, large numbers of Moroccans began to emigrate to Europe and more recently to North America. There are now 3 million Moroccans in western and southern Europe, with the largest share in France, and another 1 million elsewhere in the world. Morocco's current population is 33 million. Since the mid-1990s, however, Morocco has also become a destination country. Migrants from West Africa (particularly people from Senegal and Mali who can travel visa-free to Morocco), the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Philippines, China, and even Europe, have turned Morocco into a possible "migration transition" country -- defined by the author as a country of declining emigration and growing immigration. While some migrants use Morocco as a transit country in their quest for political asylum in Europe, many others are putting down roots in Morocco. In response to some hostility and discrimination directed at these newcomers, a "vibrant civil-society sector" has emerged to champion the interests of Morocco's immigrant communities. According to the author, "The recently announced new immigration policy reform, which includes provisions for regularization of unauthorized migrants, may signal that Moroccan society is gradually coming to terms with these new migration realities." The paper also discusses the role of remittances in Moroccan development and efforts by Morocco to engage with its overseas diaspora.

Bordering on Failure: Canada-U.S. Border Policy and the Politics of Refugee Exclusion
Harvard Law School, Harvard Immigration and Refugee Law Clinical Program, November, 2013, 107 pp.
Authors: Efrat Arbel & Alletta Brenner
This report on the bi-lateral Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) between the U.S. and Canada analyzes how asylum seekers have been impacted by the agreement over the last seven years. The report reiterates many of the concerns expressed in an earlier 2006 report. "The STCA prohibits foreign nationals who first set foot in the United States from making claims in Canada, and vice versa." The STCA therefore forces large numbers of asylum seekers to return to the U.S. where "several key aspects of U.S. asylum law and policy fall below international standards and fail to ensure fundamental protection for asylum seekers," One of the core enforcement methods used under the STCA is the Multiple Borders Strategy (MBS), which seeks to "push the border out" and "[subject] asylum seekers to border inspection offshore" resulting in the deflection of thousands of asylum seekers from reaching Canadian borders. The authors note that these policies create gaps in jurisdictional authority, as well as increase the occurrence of human smuggling and other unauthorized border crossings. The report finds that although the stated goal of the STCA is to increase border protection, the STCA is actually making the border less secure and enabling Canada to avoid its legal obligation to protect the rights of refugees and asylum seekers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)

Becoming Canadian: Making Sense of Recent Changes to Citizenship Rules
Institute for Research on Public Policy, January 16, 2014, 15 pp.
Author: Elke Winter
This analysis from Canada's oldest, non-partisan think tank finds fault with changes in Canadian citizenship rules since the Conservative Party came to power in 2006. These changes include: the introduction of a new citizenship guide; the development of a new citizenship test; the tightening of language requirements for citizenship; steps to safeguard against the fraudulent acquisition of citizenship; and modifications to the citizenship ceremony. The author suggests that these changes have largely escaped scholarly attention, but that they matter greatly as naturalization "is the quintessential procedure of turning outsiders into full members of the national community." The development of a new citizenship test, for example, with its emphasis on "conceptual," as well as fact-based questions, and a higher pass score, was designed to "raise the value" of citizenship. However, according to the author, the new test introduced "a class- or education-based bias into the process of becoming a Canadian citizen." The new test led to an increase in failure rates from less than 10 percent on the old test to over 25 percent on the new one. Particularly disadvantaged were applicants with a high school education or less, whose pass rate dropped to 55 percent. Another change of dubious value, according to the author, was the requirement to submit proof of language competency either English or French, which led to a sharp drop in grants of naturalization. The author also closely examines the government's contention that fraud, through the evasion of residency requirements and "marriages of convenience," is rampant in the naturalization process. The author concludes that the naturalization process should be a "stepping stone" in the integration process, not its culmination, and that "the growth of a distrustful, accusatory and punitive tone in citizenship discourse is unfortunate."

Building New Skills: Immigration and Workforce Development in Canada,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Transatlantic Council on Migration, November, 2013, 16 pp.
Authors: Karen Myers & Natalie Conte
The research for this paper was commissioned by MPI for the Transatlantic Council on Migration's ninth plenary meeting, held in Madrid in December of 2012 and devoted to the topic of maximizing immigrant skills. Myers & Conte are researchers for the Social Research and Demonstration Corporation in Ottawa. As Canada is often perceived to be as a leader in immigrant integration, conference organizers felt that the Canadian experience would help inform the Council's deliberations. The paper is divided into two parts. The first section examines the "mainstream" Canadian workforce development system and finds that the "complexity" of the system, narrow eligibility requirements, and the "supply-driven" nature of the system tend to exclude many immigrants from participation. The second part of the paper looks at specialized employment and training programs for immigrants, particularly in the province of Ontario. Four types of programs are described: employment support services through agencies specializing in working with immigrants, bridge training programs, mentoring programs, and paid internships for internationally trained workers. The authors also discuss the role of various English (and French) language learning programs in helping to facilitate employment. Finally, the authors reference the on-going debate in Canada as to whether the two systems (mainstream and specialized) should be merged or integrated, but note that there has been very little systematic evaluation of the effectiveness of these two systems in serving immigrants.

What We Know About Circular Migration and Enhanced Mobility,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 10 pp.
Author: Graeme Hugo
The defining features of circular migration, according to Graeme Hugo, are that the mover spends significant periods of time in both the origin and destination countries, "lives" in both places, and often has location-specific capital in both countries. Although there has always been circular migration, the volume of such migration has increased greatly in recent years due to advances in transportation and communication. This brief addresses two main questions: first, what policies can maximize the economic benefits of circular migration; and second, how can origin and destination countries work together to improve the management of such migration. To a certain extent, circular migration has gotten a bad name, based on the post-World War II European experience with guest labor and the more recent abuses of migrant labor in a number of Middle Eastern and Asian countries. However, according to Hugo, "these problems are often the result of poor governance and should not be viewed as inevitable consequences of circular migration itself." The author concludes with a number of "best-practice" recommendations, including implementing admission policies that judiciously mix circular and permanent migration and introducing procedures that enable hassle-free, cross-border mobility. He also cautions against the traditional "silo-ization" of migration policy and development assistance. The two should be closely integrated in order to reap the maximum economic benefit from migration.

Environmental Change and Migration: What We Know,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 11 pp.
Author: Susan F. Martin
This policy brief, prepared for the 2013 UN Global Forum on Migration and Development, describes four main environmental changes related to increased migration: changing weather patterns resulting in drought and desertification, rising sea levels, natural disasters, and competition over natural resources leading to civil conflict. Desertification and sea level change tend to affect migration over larger time horizons while disasters and competition bring swift, large scale relocations. Depending on the triggering factor, migrant populations will have different needs and varying impacts on the resources of receiving communities. Most environmentally-induced migration will occur within countries. Migrants crossing international boundaries because of slow-onset environmental change may appear to be labor migrants, whereas those escaping natural disasters or civil conflict may resemble traditional refugees, even though they don't meet the current legal definition of the term. The author recommends two policy initiatives to deal with increased migration pressure due to environmental change: first, allow legal options for people to migrate for environmental reasons; and second, support disaster risk reduction and conflict mediation strategies to reduce the pressure to migrate. She also urges the participation of diasporas and other members of the affected populations in implementing these strategies, and calls for more research on the relationship between environmental change and migration.

Demography and Migration: An Outlook for the 21^st Century,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 13 pp.
Author: Rainer Münz
This paper suggests that there are flaws in the conventional wisdom about the future of world migration. According to the author, one cannot be sure that people will continue moving from youthful to aging societies or from poor to rich countries. There are many reasons for the author's skepticism, including impressive growth in many middle-income and low-income countries and increased global competition for migrant labor. Countries, such as Angola, Brazil, Chile, Malaysia, and South Africa, are attracting migrants from neighboring countries who might otherwise have gone overseas. For these reasons, policy makers in developed countries will have to "think more strategically about how to attract qualified workers." This might involve negotiating bilateral, multilateral, or regional recruitment agreements with sending countries conditional upon investments in the educational systems of those countries; mutual recognition of educational credentials; and social welfare protections for migrants. Receiving countries may also have to look at other solutions to labor force needs, such as increasing the retirement age and encouraging greater labor force participation on the part of women.

Integrating Europe's Muslim Minorities: Public Anxieties, Policy Responses
Migration Policy Institute, May 10, 2013, 8 pp
Authors: Meghan Benton & Anne Maark Nielsen
This paper discusses the challenges facing European governments in trying to integrate Muslims, who will likely comprise nine percent of Europe’s population by 2030. The authors review efforts to restrict religious practices considered antithetical to European democratic or secular traditions, such as headwear for women, and the perceived security threat in the aftermath of 9/11 and other terrorist incidents within Europe. The paper also reviews some of the policy responses to these challenges, including establishing hierarchical structures, or National Muslim Councils, to facilitate dialogue with these communities; providing financial and other support to religious education and institutions to encourage the development of a “homegrown form of Islam;” and addressing educational inequities and discrimination in the workplace, important in light of the working class origins of the majority of Europe’s Muslim immigrants.

Migration and Environmental Change: Assessing the Developing European Approach,
Migration Policy Institute, May, 2013, 7 pp.
Authors: Andrew Geddes & Will Somerville
This policy brief summarizes recent research on the impact of environmental change on migration and points out that some of the original assumptions about this impact have been disputed. For example, environmental change can actually "trap" people and slow migration, if people lose their livelihoods, slip into poverty, and lose the resources necessary to migrate. Indeed, if they do move, they may put themselves at greater risk by moving to burgeoning cities located along sensitive coast lines in their own countries. The authors observe that "the most pressing challenges associated with migration linked to environmental change are those of urban governance in fast-growing cities in parts of Asia and Africa" and that "increased migration to Europe as a direct result of environmental change is very unlikely." Indeed, rather than environmentally-induced migration creating tensions and conflict in immigrant-receiving countries, "the reverse may be the case (where conflict over scarce resources could be increased by an inability to migrate." The Brief concludes with three policy recommendations for European decision makers, including "strategic thinking that might seek to support migration as a form of adaptation (author's emphasis)."

How Free is Free Movement? Dynamics and Drivers of Mobility within the European Union
Migration Policy Institute, March, 2013, 25 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton & Milica Petrovic
Noting that "the European Union provides the closest thing to a ‘laboratory' on open borders," the authors of this study seek to examine what is known about intra-European mobility, especially since the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union (EU). Regrettably, the knowledge base on the impacts of free movement is "slim," largely because official data sources don't capture its full extent. Despite the relative ease of movement, intra-EU movement is small compared to non-European. While 4.1 percent of EU residents are from outside the EU, only 2.5 percent are EU nationals living in another member state. The countries with the highest percentages of EU nationals are: Luxembourg (37.3 percent), Belgium (6.8 percent), Ireland (6.5 percent) and Spain (5.0 percent). However, fully 80 percent of all EU nationals live in just five countries: Germany, Spain, the UK, France, and Italy. However, cross-border commuting and short-term migration for study or seasonal work are likely to be missing from the official data. The report also assesses the impact of intra-European mobility on the labor markets of receiving countries and examines the effects of the economic crisis on migration. However, few conclusions can be drawn from the paucity of available studies.

Facing 2020: developing a new European agenda for immigration and asylum policy,
Migration Policy Institute, February, 2013, 7 pp.
Author: Elizabeth Collett
The author of this policy brief, the Director of Migration Policy Institute Europe and former Senior Policy Analyst at the European Policy Centre, finds the current European framework for immigration and asylum policy "unsustainable." She also laments the passing of the "age of creative policy innovation and testing ideas" in the area of immigrant integration. In the face of national resistance to EU policy-making in the area of immigration, as well as widespread "Euroscepticism," a certain "paralysis" has taken hold, which does not bode well for Europe's competitive standing in the world. The belief that Europe will remain a geopolitical and economic hub attracting immigrants from around the world is "already on empirically shaky ground." Collett argues that "managing human mobility has become a whole-of-government concern," requiring the participation of many different ministries, not just those charged with border control. Moreover, the EU effort to communicate the importance of sound immigration policy to Europe's future -- giving a human face to the issue and connecting with the broader European public -- needs to be improved. The author also feels that "the maxim ‘integration is local' needs to be backed by a solid investment, not just in helping cities better serve their individual populations but in supporting them in learning from each other." In sum, "five-year programmes have proven inadequate tools;" instead, European leaders "should begin by envisioning the European society that they hope to see in a generation - and what will be needed to achieve it..." They should also "avoid setting out immigration targets and goals in isolation" but consider policy goals in other areas, such as skills development, education, and external affairs.

"Suddenly, Migration Was Everywhere": The Conception and Future Prospects of
the Global Migration Group,
Migration Policy Institute, February 5, 2013, 7 pp.
Author: Antoine Pecoud
This article reviews the history and mission of the Global Migration Group (GMG) as a coordinating body for the international institutions and organizations that address global migratory issues. The article traces the history of several major migration-related international initiatives, beginning in 1919 with the International Labor Organization (ILO), and follows the evolution of the current framework leading to the creation of the GMG. The author summarizes the work of some of the sixteen organizations that comprise the GMG, including its founding core members: the ILO, International Organization for Migration, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The article reviews the GMG's principal activities, which have been limited primarily to producing two reports, policy briefs, and joint statements, and also highlights the major challenges faced by the organization, including lack of funding, a permanent secretariat, and formal rules, along with conflicting mandates among member organizations. The author speculates on the possible directions the organization may take in the future, either to serve as an information gatherer that works with actors by catalyzing multilateral action, or as a leading player that increases efficiency and reduces bureaucracy through direct coordination and implementation. However, the author warns that even if the GMG could manage to overcome the political obstacles involved with centralizing global migration initiatives, such a consolidation may only serve to further reinforce the agendas of nations served by the current status quo. (Daniel McNulty)

The Ljubljana Guidelines on Integration of Diverse Societies,
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), November, 2012, 65 pp.
Produced by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) for the 57 OSCE member states, this document lays out the principles and practices conducive to the "integration of multi-ethnic societies," understood as a society-wide process. Previous HCNM documents addressed the rights of minorities in the spheres of education, language, and participation in public life. These Guidelines create a unifying framework and reflect "the increasing ethno-cultural diversity within all OSCE participating States..." The document begins by observing that "one of a State's sovereign responsibilities should include developing and implementing integration policies based on a sound institutional and legislative framework." Moreover, such policies are "inextricably linked with the preservation of peace and stability within and between states." The Guidelines consist of: four (4) structural principles, eight (8) principles for integration, three (3) elements of an integration policy framework, and nine (9) key policy areas. Among the key policy areas are: citizenship; language; education; security and law enforcement; access to justice; participation in public affairs; participation in economic, social, cultural, and religious life; media; and the use of diverse symbols in the public domain. The HCNM explicitly endorses the right of minorities to preserve and develop their own cultures and languages but also affirms their "responsibility to participate in the cultural, social and economic life and in the public affairs of their wider society." The Guidelines build on the input of HCNM staff over a 20-year period, as well as the comments and criticisms of 17 external experts.

Study of the Outcomes and Impacts of the Global Forum on Migration and Development and Civil Society Days,
The MacArthur Foundation, October, 2012, 30 pp.
The Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) was established after the first UN General Assembly High Level Dialogue on Migration and Development in 2006. The Forum has been held annually since 2006, with host countries alternating between developing and developed countries. As the report notes, "migration and development as thematic areas were combined in an effort to ensure (that) both countries of origin and countries of destination would participate." Each year, the forum is preceded by "Civil Society Days (CSD)," a gathering of non-profit advocacy organizations, convened to "ground the discussions in the realities migrants were facing ... (and) to inform the state-led discussion and build off it." As the largest non-governmental donor to the GFMD process, the MacArthur Foundation commissioned this study to assess the impact of the GFMD "on policies, practices, issue framing, and government-civil society cooperation..." The study found considerable frustration with the ability of civil society organizations to impact the agenda of the GFMD and the government policy-setting process. A major conclusion of the report is that stakeholders need to develop a "credible and validated theory of change" and restructure the participation of civil society organizations in a manner consistent with that theory. Moreover, "if stakeholders believe enhanced access and interaction with government to be a key objective of the CSD, this need to be agreed at the State-led meeting and the structure and activities will have to be modified accordingly."

Rethinking Integration,
Institute for Public Policy Research, October, 2012, 20 pp.
In this brief, Myriam Cherti & Clare McNeil challenge the two most widely held assumptions in the debate on European immigrant integration policy, finding shortcomings in both the assimilative approach which focuses on the forging of a shared, national identity, and the multicultural, group-rights approach. The authors contend that both models are flawed because they start from the premise that communities and cultural identities are fixed units, and, as such, focus attention on the "grand level of citizenship and national identity." Rather, building from the work of Brubaker and others, the authors view culture as a collection of complex and shifting patterns that continually negotiate the boundaries of identity and, therefore, research on assimilation must instead focus on the everyday experiences of individuals and groups in order to develop effective integration policy. The authors probe "the process of everyday integration" by surveying literature from four key areas where identities are often constructed and reconstructed: childcare arrangements, patterns of shopping and consumption, leisure activities, and "supplementary education," such as that provided by madrassas in the U.K. Examining their hypothesis that policy can be better shaped through a) understanding the way that identity formation occurs; b) identifying the problems for social integration and group identity formation; c) and proposing ways in which they can be amended to ease tensions between groups as they emerge in each of these settings, Cherti & McNeil conclude that further ethnographic research in these everyday areas would aid policymakers in crafting a more effective approach to immigrant integration. (Daniel McNulty)

Choice and Prejudice: Discrimination against Muslims in Europe,
Amnesty International, 2012, 119 pp.
Focusing attention on five countries (Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Spain, and Switzerland), this report aims to highlight and critique policies which discriminate against Muslims in Europe on the grounds of religion or belief. The report looks at legislation regulating religious and cultural practices, as well as the influence of domestic political discourse on policy development. Policies examined include: codes banning forms of cultural symbols and dress, e.g. full-face veils, in schools and the workplace; restrictions on the building of places of worship; and other public and private limits placed on the freedom of belief, religion, or expression. According to the report, supporters often see these measures as necessary to promote equality and fairness. However, these policies often disproportionately impact Muslims, in particularly Muslim women, who are the most likely to face discrimination based on the outer manifestation of their religious and cultural identity. Unequal access to education and the job market limits their life prospects, compounds existing inequalities, and violates current laws. The report outlines a series of recommendations calling for governments to strengthen and enforce anti-discrimination legislation by establishing national equality bodies to better monitor and measure abuses; ensure that new and existing legislation require a shared burden of proof in discrimination claims (i.e. once evidence shows that a plaintiff has suffered discrimination, it is up to the defendant to prove there has been no discrimination); ratify human rights protocols (specifically, Protocol 12 to the European Convention); and remove bans that place limits on religious and cultural freedoms. The report also calls for greater cross-cultural dialogue and concludes with specific recommendations for each of the five countries. (Daniel McNulty)

Understanding "Canadian Exceptionalism" in Immigration and Pluralism Policy,
Migration Policy Institute, July, 2012, 18 pp.
The Transatlantic Council on Migration commissioned the research for this paper for its seventh plenary meeting, held in Berlin in November of 2011. Written by University of California Professor Irene Bloemraad, the paper explores why "Canada is far more open to, and optimistic about, immigration" than the United States and countries in Europe. Despite having the highest proportion of immigrants to total population of any other Western country (about 20 percent), public opinion polls suggest that Canada is a "striking outlier." As an example, about two-thirds of Canadians in 2010 said that the number of immigrants coming to Canada was "about right." The author cites a number of reasons for these positive attitudes, including the geography of Canada, which makes illegal entry difficult (Canada's unauthorized population hovers between 3 to 6 percent, mitigating against public fears of uncontrolled borders); the Canadian point system, which screens prospective immigrants for their potential to contribute to the Canadian economy and integrate into society (59 percent of new permanent immigrants to Canada in the first decade of the 21^stcentury were economic migrants); the political power of immigrant communities (Canada has a high naturalization rates); and the importance of multiculturalism as a marker of Canadian national identity. "In the 1960s and 1960s, Canadians were searching for a sense of national cohesion that was not British and not American, and one that could in some way accommodate the growing separatist movement in Quebec." In addition, the Canadian government has made substantial investments in immigrant integration programs, investments that rely for their implementation on a partnership with community-based organizations. It is estimated that the federal government spent just over $1 billion on integration programs, an amount that has been increasing despite the global recession. The author does not gloss over potential problems on the horizon, including the growing reliance on temporary visa programs, which could spur the development of a larger unauthorized population in the future, and the problem of unequal economic outcomes for "visible minorities." However, Canadian "exceptionalism" could become the norm in other Western countries, as other transatlantic societies "modify their national identities in the face of growing immigrant and second-generation populations."

Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States and Europe: The Use of Legalization/Regularization as a Policy Tool,
Migration Policy Institute, May, 2012, 9 pp.
Drawing on previous MPI research, this paper provides a brief history of legalization programs in the U.S. and Europe. More than 5 million unauthorized immigrants have been regularized in the European Union since 1996 -- the vast majority in the southern tier countries of Italy, Spain, and Greece. Although leaders in northern European countries now frown on regularization as a policy tool, policies of "toleration" have remained popular in these countries. In the U.S., more than 3.7 million unauthorized immigrants have been legalized since 1986, mainly through the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986, the Cuban Adjustment Program, Cancellation of Removal, and the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act. Between 1929 and 1986, more than 1.5 million undocumented people, or people on temporary visas, acquired permanent residence in the U.S., some through the registry program. This program allows people who have resided unlawfully in the U.S. for long periods and who meet other qualifications to adjust to permanent residence. Congress has advanced the registry year four times since 1929: in 1940, 1958, 1965, and 1986. The current year is 1972. In addition, since 1952 Congress has acted 16 times to grant permanent residence to persons in temporary legal status. According to the authors, ever since Congress placed numerical restrictions on immigration in 1921, "Congress has regularly found it necessary to legalize discrete groups that have strong equitable and humanitarian claims to remain in the United States. Many argue that the current unauthorized population includes many residents who have similar claims and that Congress may find it necessary to pursue the legalization option once again."

Building a British Model of Integration in an Era of Immigration: Policy Lessons for Government,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 27 pp.
This report analyzes developments in immigrant integration policy in the United Kingdom beginning with the election of the Labor government in 1997 and continuing to the present day. British policy, to the extent that it shows any clear patterns and consistency, has evolved from a race-relations model, developed when most immigrants were visible minorities from the former British colonies and anti-discrimination legislation was the primary policy tool, to a more eclectic approach, reflecting the intensification and diversification of migratory streams in recent years. An important context for policy development has been "British hostility to immigration," which public opinion polls find higher than in other countries in Europe and North America. The authors examine integration from three different perspectives: national identity; major immigrant outcomes, such as workforce participation and educational attainment; and successful communities. With regard to national identity, the authors note that there has been a shift from an ethnocentric view of identity to one emphasizing liberal civic values. This shift is "paradoxical" as these values "are by definition universal values, or at least values shared by all liberal states." As far as immigrant outcomes are concerned, there is some confusion as to which yardstick to use in measuring successful integration, e.g. intermarriage, employment, language "or a vast number of even softer measures around social interaction and group reputation." With regard to community cohesion, the authors observe that "the most important predictors of unsuccessful communities are not immigration but socioeconomic deprivation and the quality of public services." The authors conclude that Great Britain has pursued a policy of "pinpointing, adapting and targeting mainstream policies to reach the needs of immigrants and minorities. While not a failure, this has not been done systematically, and there has been little coordination among programs."

The Relationship Between Immigration and Nativism in Europe and North America,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 42 pp.
This paper, written by Cas Mudde of DePauw University for the 7^thplenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council in 2011, attempts to map the landscape of "radical right" and "nativist" parties and organizations in Europe and North America. Since 1980, such parties have had limited electoral success. They have gained more than 15 percent of the popular vote in only three countries: Austria, Denmark, and Switzerland, but they have managed to shift the debate in many European countries. According to Mudde, "nowadays, virtually all but a few radical left and green parties consider immigration a fundamental challenge to their society at best and a threat at worst." Yet, there has also been a strong countermovement of private organizations, such as SOS Racism in France and the British Anti-Nazi League, that have worked to discredit the racist propaganda of these parties. Local and national governments have also utilized anti-discrimination legislation to curb the activities of these groups and to stimulate a pro-immigrant discourse. Despite their impact on national policies, the author considers the relationship between immigration and "extremism" to be "unclear and complex ...rising numbers of immigrants do not automatically translate into increasing extremism in a country..." The best example is the United States, where "a powerful pro-immigrant lobby," made up of "big business, immigrant groups, and libertarians" stands as a counterweight to nativist forces. Despite the role played by nativist organizations and parities in "the tightening of immigration laws, particularly those regarding asylum, they have lost the big battle as both Western Europe and North American are increasingly multiethnic societies."

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration,
The German Marshall Fund of the U.S., 2011, 30 pp.
This 2011 public opinion survey - the fourth annual survey published by the GMF -- covers the United States and five European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK). Despite the global economic crisis and the migratory impact of the "Arab Spring," attitudes towards immigration remained remarkably stable. Immigration remains a "second order concern" in all countries, with majorities indicating the "economy" or "unemployment" as their foremost concerns. As in previous years, respondents in all countries overestimated the number of immigrants in their respective countries, e.g. on average U.S. respondents estimated a foreign-born percentage of 37.8 percent, as compared with the real percentage of 12.5 percent. A majority of U.S. respondents, but only 34 percent of Europeans, also thought that a majority of immigrants were in the country illegally. On both sides of the Atlantic, strong majorities were favorable to the admission of highly educated immigrants, but opposed to immigrants with low levels of education, yet when faced with a choice between a highly educated immigrant without a job offer, and a lower educated immigrant with a job offer, the latter was the preference. Finally, 53 percent of Americans were supportive of birthright citizenship, and 65 percent supported the provisions of the DREAM Act.

Restoring Trust in the Management of Migration and Borders: Council Statement,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, 2011, 8, pp.
Written by Demetrios G. Papademetriou, President of the Migration Policy Institute, this statement reflects the thinking of a group of high-level officials from Europe and North America who since 2008 have been meeting on a regular basis "to identify the best ways to bring greater order and legality to migration, border management, and labor market systems and thus restore public trust in government's ability to manage these complex tasks." The statement begins by making some recommendations to change the narrative on immigration, including setting realistic goals, articulating why immigration is in the national interest, and adhering closely to the rule of law. The Council then lays out a series of steps to implement a "whole-of-system" approach to controlling illegal immigration, involving a range of policy tools utilized in a coordinated manner. Finally, the statement calls for "building a new architecture for border management," involving the effective and strategic use of technology and the allocation of resources based on risk.

Regularization in the European Union: the Contentious Policy Tool,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2011, 23 pp.
Since 1996, over 5 million immigrants have been "regularized" (legalized) in 18 member states of the European Union. This brief discusses the rationale for, and the objectives and requirements of, the various EU regularization programs. The publication also touches on the political fallout from such programs, as countries in northern Europe increasingly object to the greater frequency of regularization initiatives among the southern tier countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece. The appendix contains a table with pertinent data about each regularization program including country, year, target population, number of applications received and total number of regularizations granted.

World Migration Report 2011: Communicating Effectively About Migration,
International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2011, 158 pp.
The 2011 report (the sixth in a series begun in 2000) is divided into two parts. Part A examines how perceptions and attitudes about migration shape public opinion in immigrant-receiving countries, which in turn influence policies adopted by governments. The report calls for a "fundamental shift in how we communicate about migration" and stresses "the need for the promotion of a better understanding and recognition of the benefits of migration, more evidence-based policymaking and a more effective engagement with migrants themselves." The report also provides some examples of effective communication strategies used by governments, civil society, international organizations, and the media. This section of the report also includes a review of major migration trends of 2010/2011, including policy and legislative developments, efforts to promote international cooperation and dialogue on migration issues, and the migratory impact of upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa. Part B reflects on IOM's history on the 60^thanniversary of its founding in 1951, with particular attention to developments during the last decade. In commenting on the report, the director general of IOM suggested that providing accurate information to the public about migration might be "the single most important policy tool in all societies faced with increasing diversity."

The Debate Over Multiculturalism: Philosophy, Politics, and Policy,
Migration Policy Institute, September 22, 2011, 7 pp.
In this policy brief, University of California, Berkeley, Professor Irene Bloemraad distinguishes between three types of multiculturalism: "demographic multiculturalism," or the description of the pluralism that actually exists in a particular society; "multiculturalism as political philosophy," which she defines as a "philosophy centered on recognizing, accommodating, and supporting cultural pluralism'" and "multiculturalism as public policy," or the process of adapting to the cultural diversity of groups in a particular society. She notes that "social scientists have only recently begun to evaluate multiculturalism as public policy." One useful tool is the "multiculturalism policy index (MCP Index)" developed by two researchers in Canada, which measures the extent to which selected multicultural policies appear in 21 nations over a period of three decades. With some notable exceptions (Netherlands and Italy), "actual policy in many countries is slowly inching toward greater accommodation of pluralism, despite the political rhetoric around the perceived problems of diversity." She further notes that opposition to multiculturalism as public policy on the part of majority populations may stem from concerns over demographic multiculturalism.

Integration Beyond Migration: Kicking off the debate,
Migration Policy Group, June, 2011, 29 pp
Over the past several decades Europe has undergone a radical demographic transformation. A decline in the reproductive rates of native populations and the arrival of international migrants from both within the EU and without has presented a number of challenges and opportunities for integration. Currently, two policy frameworks exist for integrating migrants into European social systems: Europe 2020 and the Stockholm Programme. This paper examines the integration gaps within existing policies that fail to incorporate various groups into civil society and proposes redefining policies in order to encourage the development of active citizenship by all members of society. Accordingly, the paper describes and analyzes a number of approaches for creating a more inclusive society where persons are able to fulfill their inherent potential through the removal of obstacles which limit capacity. Finally, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for building more dynamic, open and inclusive systems.

Immigrant Integration in Europe in a Time of Austerity,
Migration Policy Institute, 2011, 25 pp.
The report examines the extent to which governments in EU countries have altered their spending for, and approaches to, immigrant integration as a result of the global financial crisis. Noting that comparisons across countries are difficult because of the varying definitions of "immigrant group" (should initiatives targeting the children of immigrants be included?), the number of ministries involved, and the extent to which integration policy has been "mainstreamed," the author proceeds to offer "snapshots" of integration work in nine countries, looking especially at the political and economic backdrop to these efforts. She concludes that investments in integration are being cut at precisely the time when the need is greatest; that the extent to which integration policies are "embedded" in the "broader panoply of government policies" may provide some protection against targeted cuts (particularly true for Portugal and Spain); and that "migration fatigue" might explain the "dissatisfaction with the status quo" in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, two countries that have long labored to integrate their immigrant populations. The report concludes with a series of observations on future directions.

Migration Policy Index III,
The British Council and Migration Policy Group, February, 2011, 212 pp.
Produced by a consortium of 37 national-level organizations led by the British Council and Migrant Policy Group, the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) measures policies to integrate immigrants in 31 countries in Europe and North America. It uses 148 policy indicators to create a multi-dimensional picture of immigrants' opportunities to participate in receiving societies. MIPEX covers seven policy areas which shape an immigrant's journey to full citizenship, including labor market mobility, family reunion, education, long-term residence, political participation, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. First published in 2005, this is the third edition of the Index and the first to include the United States, which ranked 9^th among the 37 nations in the effectiveness of its integration policies. Sweden, Portugal, and Canada had the highest scores.

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration 2010,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States and other partner organizations, 2011, 39 pp.
For the third year in a row, GMF has conducted a survey of public opinion on immigration-related issue in six countries of the European Union, Canada and the United States. The 2010 survey added new questions on the impact of the recession on attitudes regarding immigration, as well as on the extent of second generation integration. As in the past, populations in all countries tend to overestimate the size of the immigrant population, as well as the percentage of immigrants who are unauthorized. Majorities in all European countries, with the exception of Spain, said that immigrants were not integrating well. North Americans were more positive, with 59% of Americans and 65% of Canadians saying that immigrants are integrating well.

The Impact of the Great Recession on Metropolitan Immigration Trends,
Brookings, December, 2010, 10 pp.
This report examines changes in the foreign-born population both nationally and in the 100 largest metropolitan areas since the onset of the Great Recession in December, 2007. Growth has continued in some areas, such as Houston and Raleigh, that have "weathered the recession" well. Declines have occurred in some traditional immigrant gateways, such as New York and Los Angeles. In the country as a whole, the poverty rate for immigrants rose from 14.6% in 2007 to 16.7% in 2009, reflecting the lay-offs of low skill workers in the construction and service and hospitality industries.

World Migration Report 2010: The Future of Migration, Building Capacities for Change,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 272 pp.
This is the fifth in a series of biennial reports published by IOM since 2000. The report is rich with data on all aspects of world migration, with both global and regional overviews. The theme of this particular report is capacity-building defined as "the process of strengthening the knowledge, abilities, skills, resources, structures and processes that States and institutions need...to facilitate the development of humane and orderly policies for the movement of people." A separate chapter of the report focuses on immigrant integration and covers ten core areas for capacity-building.

Immigrant Legalization in the United States and European Union: Policy Goals and Program Design,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2010, 15 pp.
Written by Marc R. Rosenblum, an Assoc. Professor of Political Science at the University of New Orleans, who previously played a role in crafting the Senate's immigration legislation in 2006 and 2007, this brief examines the various policy options and trade-offs involved in designing effective legalization programs. Noting that "virtually every major migrant-receiving state has enacted some form of immigrant legalization in response to climbing rates of illegal immigration since the 1980s, with about 3.5 million Americans and 5 million Europeans gaining legal status," the author suggests "four standards by which to judge the success of a legalization system:" inclusiveness, fairness, cost effectiveness, and self-enforcement. He also reviews options regarding retrospective eligibility, requirements to be met prospectively during the legalization process, and the benefits to be received through participation in the program. Observing that "the goals of inclusiveness and fairness are fundamentally in tension," the author concludes with some suggestions as to how to resolve this tension.

Migration and Immigrants Two Years after the Financial Collapse: Where Do We Stand?
Migration Policy Institute, Report for the BBC World Service, October, 2010, 127 pp.
Produced by a multinational team of scholars, this report grew out of discussions that took place in May, 2010, at a gathering sponsored by the Transatlantic Council on Migration in Bellagio, Italy The report documents disproportionate job losses among immigrants, especially among lower skilled migrants, males, and younger migrants; major reductions in migrant inflows in Europe and the United States; and reductions in illegal migration as evidenced by sharply reduced apprehensions on the southern border of the U.S and on Europe's southern periphery. The report also raises the possibility that migration flows to developed countries may not return to pre-recession levels even after the resumption of stronger economic growth, but rather may be shifted to the emerging economies of Asia. In lieu of an executive summary, the report features a series of nine "headlines" derived from the research with brief explanatory notes.

Reconfiguring Settlement and Integration: A Service Provider Strategy for Innovation and Results,
Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance/Alliance canadienne du secteur de l'établissement des immigrants, May 16, 2010, 72 pp.
Written by Meyer Burstein, co-founder and former executive of the International Metropolis Project, this report provides an in-depth analysis of the Canadian immigrant and refugee service sector, based on "a series of workshops and focus groups with representatives of service provider organizations and ethnic-specific agencies" in cities across Canada. The report identifies "four strategic capacities" of the sector, including "an ability to comprehensively assess client needs and to assemble a bundle of services to address those needs, cutting across program silos." The report contains 15 recommendations "aimed at clarifying the sector's strategic directions and strengthening its strategic capacities." One recommendation calls for "an internal study to map the areas in which (the sector) enjoys a comparative advantage over mainstream and commercial service providers." Another recommendation calls for "a collaborative study with ethnic-cultural groups to determine how best to strengthen the sector's connections" with these groups, in order to "reinforce the sector's strategic advantages vis-à-vis mainstream agencies." Other recommendations are designed to bolster the capacity of the sector to be analytic and innovative, thereby preventing the sector from being "relegated to the role of passive observers and stoop labour, acting exclusively at government's behest." The report urges the development of "a sector-led, pan-Canadian institution comprised of settlement agencies and university-based researchers that would analyze and disseminate best practice information." The new body would be "part clearing house and part think tank" and would be "wholly owned" by the settlement sector. The Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance has prepared an official response to the Burstein report.

Migration, the Environment and Climate Change: Assessing the Evidence,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States, June, 2010, 5 pp.
This short paper is one of eight new studies devoted to the topic of climate change and migration patterns prepared by the Transatlantic Study Team on Immigration and Integration. Written by Frank Laczko, the Head of Research at the International Organization for Migration, this paper examines the current state of research on climate change and migration. The author calls attention to the uncertainties surrounding the notion of environmentally-induced migration, especially when individual choice enters into the picture. Rather than thinking of population movement as either forced or voluntary, it might be more accurate, he suggests, to conceive of a continuum ranging from totally voluntary to totally forced. The author also notes the lack of empirical research on the relationships between climate change and migration. What is clear is that most environmentally-induced migration has been within and between developing countries in the global South. Apart from efforts to provide temporary refuge to those stranded outside their countries as a consequence of extreme environmental events such as earthquakes and hurricanes, most northern countries have yet to develop a "strategy and policy framework to address the impact of gradual environmental change." Copies of this paper and others in the series are available on the website of The German Marshall Fund. The International Organization for Migration has also produced a larger study on the same subject.

Migrant Resource Centres: An Initial Assessment,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 71 pp.
Defining migrant resource centres (MRCs) as "physical structures that provide services to migrants which facilitate and empower them to migrate in a legal, voluntary, orderly and protected fashion," IOM considers this report to be the first attempt "to assess (their) impact on migration management goals." According to IOM, MRCs may be found in both countries of origin and destination. Originally prepared for the 2009 Global Forum on Migration and Development, this report profiles 17 MRCs, with special attention to their role in "empowering migrants for development." The authors identify and give examples of good practices and recommend steps to strengthen and sustain organizations of this type.

Handbook on Integration for Policy-Makers and Practitioners,
European Commission (Directorate General for Justice, Freedom and Security), 3^rd Edition, April 2010, 174 pp.
This handbook discusses "best practices and lessons learned" in immigrant integration from the 27 member states of the European Union. Written by Jan Niessen and Thomas Huddleston of the Migration Policy Group on behalf of the European Commission, the publication relies on input from the so-called "National Contact Points on Integration," designated government officials in each member state with responsibility for immigrant integration. In addition, the authors draw on information collected at six "technical seminars" hosted by various ministries responsible for integration. This volume is the last in a series of three publications devoted to the integration theme. The purpose of the series is "to promote the creation of a coherent European framework on integration by facilitating the exchange of experience and information." This particular volume deals with the following topics: the efforts of the European Union to promote integration through standard-setting and information sharing; the role of mass media in advancing an integration agenda; techniques for educating the public about immigration; strategies for empowering immigrant communities to actively participate in the policy-making process; techniques for setting up "dialogue platform," defined as "a civic space in which to begin an open and respectful exchange of views among immigrants, with fellow residents, or with government;" policies on the acquisition of nationality and the practice of active citizenship; helping immigrant youth advance in the educational system and labor market. The Handbook is replete with examples of model programs in each of these areas. A Companion Guide to the third edition reprints some of the reports produced for the technical seminars. Earlier volumes in this series (published in 2004 and 2007) may be found on the website of the Migration Policy Group.

Hidden in Plain Sight: Indigenous Migrants, Their Movements, and Their Challenges,
Migration Policy Institute, March 31, 2010, 7 pp.
This short paper discusses migration trends among the world's 370 million indigenous people, who often get lumped together statistically with non-indigenous migrants born in the same country. The author notes that indigenous people often migrate from rural to urban areas within their own countries, before attempting to move to other countries. The author calls for the compilation of disaggregated data about these groups and new studies to "help governments at the State and federal levels address specific issues facing these communities."

Committed to the Diaspora: More Developing Countries Setting Up Diaspora Institutions,
Migration Policy Institute, Nov. 2, 2009, 15 pp
Drawn from a much larger study, this article details the efforts of governments around the world to strengthen ties with their diasporas, or communities of emigrants and their descendents in other countries. Although governments in poorer countries are mainly interested in tapping into the talent and resources of their diasporas for development purposes, some governments are also involved in efforts to protect migrants and promote their integration into destination countries. The article details the types of ministerial and sub-ministerial entities set up to administer diaspora affairs and includes charts showing the percentage of each country's population living abroad. The authors also discuss the efforts of regional and local governments, such as 30 provinces in China, and 29 of Mexico's 32 states, to build stronger relations with their expatriate communities.

No Shortcuts: Selective Migration and Integration,
2009 Transatlantic Academy Report on Immigration, March, 2009, 34 pp.
In this report, six scholars - three from the United States and three from Europe - describe and assess skill-based immigration systems in western countries and reach a number of policy-related conclusions, including the following: first, that "selective migration schemes that do not have a specific connection to employment are faced with problems of integrating immigrants into the labor market;" second, that "highly-skilled (migrants) are not immune to problems of adaptability and integration;" and third, that the American economic and immigration boom of the last few decades is over, resulting in inevitable changes in the quantity and patterns of migration, and that migration should no longer be viewed "as a one-way street toward Europe and the United States," but rather as a process characterized by "circular migration and multiple-life-phase migrations" -- and with many new players, including China and India. The authors stress the importance of sound integration policies to prevent "brain waste" and the spread of extremist ideologies. They also argue that "systems and environments devised to make it easier for people to move back and forth are preferable to the build-up of border and control systems."

Learning from Each Other: The Integration of Immigrants and Minority Groups in the United States and Europe,
Center for American Progress, April, 2009, 36 pp.
This report compares and contrasts European and American approaches to immigrant integration. The report commends the European Union for its effort to define a common framework and set of principles to guide integration efforts on the member state level and its dedication of substantial resources for integration work. It urges the United States to follow a similar approach. The United States, in turn, is commended for its strong antidiscrimination laws and its ability to enforce regulations on the state and local level -- achievements worthy of emulation by European states. The report calls for the creation of a "new National office of Integration in the White House," charged with reducing barriers to integration for both new immigrants and minority groups.