National and Global Perspectives

The Under-Registration of Births in Mexico: Consequences for Children, Adults, and Migrants,
Migration Policy Institute, April 12, 2012, 7 pp.
This article examines the causes and effects of the under-registration of Mexican births. Estimates indicate that more than 7 million people in Mexico currently lack a birth certificate, with approximately 30 percent of children under the age of five going unregistered. Research suggests that the poorest and most marginalized groups within Mexico are the most likely to go unregistered due to costs, civic disengagement, and cultural barriers. The author notes that the lack of a birth certificate further increases vulnerability by limiting access to education, health care, labor markets, voting, and other human rights. Additionally, individuals without identity face a higher risk of being victimized and recruited by traffickers and criminal syndicates as their identity is nonexistent in government databases. The article also discusses the plight of those who are "doubly-undocumented," i.e. Mexicans who migrate to the U.S. in search of the opportunities they are denied in their homeland. Unable to obtain the matricula consular, an ID issued by the Mexican consulate and accepted by some institutions and local governments within the U.S., they face challenges beyond those of undocumented migrants who can claim at least one national identity. The author concludes by noting the progress Mexico has made in documenting all births, but observes that the country "is far from achieving universal registration," and that the unregistered living in the U.S. are likely to remain stateless for the foreseeable future. Dan McNulty

Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future,
Transatlantic Council on Migration (Migration Policy Institute), March 2012, 32 pp.
Written by Will Kymlicka, of Queens University in Canada, this paper disputes "four powerful myths about multiculturalism." The first is that multiculturalism represents the "uncritical celebration of diversity." Instead, he sees multiculturalism "as the pursuit of new relations of democratic citizenship, inspired and constrained by human-rights ideals." The second myth is that multiculturalism is in "wholesale retreat." Instead, he marshals evidence to show that multiculturalism policies "have persisted, even strengthened, over the past ten years." The third myth is that multiculturalism has failed as a social policy; instead he offers evidence that multicultural policies have been successful. And the fourth myth is "that the spread of civic integration policies has displaced multiculturalism or rendered it obsolete." Instead, he argues that multiculturalism is fully consistent with progressive forms of civic integration policies. Finally, the paper discusses the conditions that would permit "multiculturalism-as-citizenization" to flourish as a social policy. In this discussion, the author acknowledges that "desecuritization" (minorities from potential enemy nations), lack of border control, the homogeneity of immigrants (most immigrants from a single source country), lack of economic integration and excessive use of the welfare system by immigrants, could lead to a rejection of multiculturalism policies. Nonetheless, even under these circumstances, he sees such a rejection as a "high-risk move. It is precisely when immigrants are perceived as illegitimate, illiberal, and burdensome that multiculturalism may be most needed."

Rethinking National Identity in the Age of Migration: Council Statement
Transatlantic Council on Migration (Migration Policy Institute), February, 2012, 10 pp.
This statement emanated from the 7^th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration held in Berlin in November, 2011. The Council is composed of public officials, business leaders, and academics from Europe, the United States, and Canada. The meeting "focused on what policymakers can do to mitigate the disorienting effects of rapid social change - especially change tied or perceived to be tiedto immigration..." The statement offers 10 key recommendations, providing a policy blueprint for leaders in addressing questions of migration. Among the recommendations are: "hon(ing) listening skills to truly understand their electorate's anxiety about immigration (and related issues)...emphasiz(ing) a process of belonging and ‘becoming' rather than a static sense of ‘being'" in discussions of national identity..." and creat(ing) clear and transparent pathways to permanent residence and citizenship... (to) encourage immigrants to make a long-term commitment to society." The statement also makes a number of striking observations, including the following: "efforts to curb plural identities are beyond the reach of state authority and will be counterproductive; accepting such identities does not erode social cohesion, whereas limiting their expression can make them more salient." The Council also proposes a strategy to gain broader public acceptance for public investments in immigrant integration by "gradually honing in on sets of circumstances that apply to broader swaths of society (particularly poverty and lack of education) as a means of building larger coalitions of support."

The Cost to Americans and America of Ending Birthright Citizenship,
National Foundation for American Policy, March, 2012, 25 pp.
The author of this paper argues against proposed changes to the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which guarantees citizenship to most U.S.-born children, including children of unauthorized immigrants. Although a number of different proposals have been floated to restrict citizenship, all of them, according to the author, "will add more complexity and bureaucracy to the lives of all Americans." Before any state can issue a birth certificate, the federal government will have to certify the status of the child's parents. Given the complexity of immigration laws, the cost to administer such a program "will be roughly equivalent to a $600 baby tax on every child born in the United States." The author also questions the rationale for the change: "most illegal immigration to the united States is driven by economic factors (jobs), or a desire to reunite with family members, not the attraction of birthright citizenship." Finally, the paper cautions against the economic and social consequences of restricting citizenship, which will lead to a quadrupling of the number of young people without status, the shrinking of their economic potential, and their entry into the shadow economy. Portions of this paper originally appeared in an article commissioned by the Cato Institute and appearing in the winter 2011 issue of the Cato Journal.

Unintended Consequences of US Immigration Policy: Explaining the Post-1965 Surge from Latin America,
Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, March, 2012, 29 pp.
The authors of this article, Douglas S. Massey and Karen A. Pren, trace the evolution of U.S. immigration policy towards Latin America since the end of the Braceroprogram in 1964, which permitted ca. 450,000 Mexicans to enter annually as temporary workers during the fifties. In 1965, a cap was placed on Latin American migration to the United States, eventually leading to a per country cap of 20,000 (previously Latin Americans were exempted from numerical restrictions on immigration). These two policy changes sparked the rise of illegal immigration from Mexico. The authors then trace the rise of the "Latino threat" narrative in the media, which initially used marine metaphors, e.g. flood, tidal wave, inundate, etc., and later martial metaphors, e.g. attacks, invasion, etc., to describe illegal immigration on the southern border. "Politicians quickly discovered the political advantages to be gained by demonizing Latino immigrants and illegal migration" especially at a time of rising income inequality. The authors also suggest this narrative was an important "factor in the rightward shift of American public opinion." Curiously, the rising tide of anti-immigrant legislation and increased border enforcement had little to do with the actual levels of illegal migration which tapered off after the late 1970s. The increase in the size of the undocumented migrant population in the U.S. occurred because of the decline in circular migration. "As the costs and risks of unauthorized border crossing mounted, migrants minimized them by shifting from a circular to a settled pattern of migration, essentially hunkering down and staying once they had successfully run the gauntlet at the border." Moreover, Mexicans who were legal residents of the U.S. naturalized in growing numbers after 1986 ("defense naturalization," it was called), fearful of possible deportation and loss of benefits, and thus were able to petition for their close relatives outside of numerical limits. In conclusion, if the goal of federal immigration initiatives "was to limit immigration from Latin America and prevent the demographic transformation of the United States, they achieved the opposite."

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration,
The German Marshall Fund of the U.S., 2011, 30 pp.
This 2011 public opinion survey - the fourth annual survey published by the GMF -- covers the United States and five European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK). Despite the global economic crisis and the migratory impact of the "Arab Spring," attitudes towards immigration remained remarkably stable. Immigration remains a "second order concern" in all countries, with majorities indicating the "economy" or "unemployment" as their foremost concerns. As in previous years, respondents in all countries overestimated the number of immigrants in their respective countries, e.g. on average U.S. respondents estimated a foreign-born percentage of 37.8 percent, as compared with the real percentage of 12.5 percent. A majority of U.S. respondents, but only 34 percent of Europeans, also thought that a majority of immigrants were in the country illegally. On both sides of the Atlantic, strong majorities were favorable to the admission of highly educated immigrants, but opposed to immigrants with low levels of education, yet when faced with a choice between a highly educated immigrant without a job offer, and a lower educated immigrant with a job offer, the latter was the preference. Finally, 53 percent of Americans were supportive of birthright citizenship, and 65 percent supported the provisions of the DREAM Act.

Restoring Trust in the Management of Migration and Borders: Council Statement,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, 2011, 8, pp.
Written by Demetrios G. Papademetriou, President of the Migration Policy Institute, this statement reflects the thinking of a group of high-level officials from Europe and North America who since 2008 have been meeting on a regular basis "to identify the best ways to bring greater order and legality to migration, border management, and labor market systems and thus restore public trust in government's ability to manage these complex tasks." The statement begins by making some recommendations to change the narrative on immigration, including setting realistic goals, articulating why immigration is in the national interest, and adhering closely to the rule of law. The Council then lays out a series of steps to implement a "whole-of-system" approach to controlling illegal immigration, involving a range of policy tools utilized in a coordinated manner. Finally, the statement calls for "building a new architecture for border management," involving the effective and strategic use of technology and the allocation of resources based on risk.

Regularization in the European Union: the Contentious Policy Tool,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2011, 23 pp.
Since 1996, over 5 million immigrants have been "regularized" (legalized) in 18 member states of the European Union. This brief discusses the rationale for, and the objectives and requirements of, the various EU regularization programs. The publication also touches on the political fallout from such programs, as countries in northern Europe increasingly object to the greater frequency of regularization initiatives among the southern tier countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece. The appendix contains a table with pertinent data about each regularization program including country, year, target population, number of applications received and total number of regularizations granted.

World Migration Report 2011: Communicating Effectively About Migration,
International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2011, 158 pp.
The 2011 report (the sixth in a series begun in 2000) is divided into two parts. Part A examines how perceptions and attitudes about migration shape public opinion in immigrant-receiving countries, which in turn influence policies adopted by governments. The report calls for a "fundamental shift in how we communicate about migration" and stresses "the need for the promotion of a better understanding and recognition of the benefits of migration, more evidence-based policymaking and a more effective engagement with migrants themselves." The report also provides some examples of effective communication strategies used by governments, civil society, international organizations, and the media. This section of the report also includes a review of major migration trends of 2010/2011, including policy and legislative developments, efforts to promote international cooperation and dialogue on migration issues, and the migratory impact of upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa. Part B reflects on IOM's history on the 60^thanniversary of its founding in 1951, with particular attention to developments during the last decade. In commenting on the report, the director general of IOM suggested that providing accurate information to the public about migration might be "the single most important policy tool in all societies faced with increasing diversity."

The Domestic Face of Globalization: Law's Role in the Integration of Immigrants in the United States,
Maurer School of Law, Indiana University, October, 2011, 31 pp.
This article examines the role that law plays in either facilitating or impeding immigrant integration in the United States. By taking "a domestic perspective on globalization" as well as looking at globalization's effect on local and national processes, three main themes are explored: legal protections against discrimination, the intersection of national and local legislation, and basic rights to social security. The authors briefly review the history of immigration law and discuss current legislative debates, finding that both political and economic pressures have contributed to fragmented and inconsistent policies. The article discusses the plenary powers held by Congress to enact immigration and naturalization legislation and the possible unconstitutionality of state and federal measures that discriminate against immigrants. In addition, the authors explore lawmakers' tendency to "favor...markets over rights" as a response to globalization, often ignoring the inseparability of global capital flow, outsourcing, labor mobility, and transnational migration. The authors highlight the need to recognize the impact of these fluid processes, as well as the importance of safeguarding civil liberties in order to strengthen social cohesion for immigrants and non-immigrants alike. The paper concludes with a call for the use of information and communication technologies to supplement integration efforts, increase media and cultural plurality, and build mobilization capacity within immigrant communities. (Dan McNulty)

Assimilation Tomorrow: How America's Immigrants Will Integrate by 2030,
Center for American Progress, November, 2011, 33 pp.
This report, prepared by demographers Dowell Myers and John Pitkin, is the second part of a project on immigrant incorporation conducted by the University of Southern California in conjunction with the Center for American Progress and underwritten by the MacArthur Foundation. Five indicators of immigrant progress (English proficiency, homeownership, education, living above the poverty line, better earnings, and naturalization rates) are tracked for four different cohorts of immigrants (arrivals in the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s). The report notes "a remarkable consistency in the rates of advancement observed across decades for different waves of immigrants..." The "core assumption" of the report is that the gains of early cohorts are predictive of results in 2030 for the large 1990s cohort, even with adjustments made for the setback of the Great Recession. According to these researchers, homeownership rates will rise to 72 percent, English fluency to 70.3 percent, and living outside of poverty to 86.6%. The authors also make separate projections for Hispanic immigrants, as well as immigrant youth who arrived before reaching 20 years of age. The researchers also note that the projected gains for Hispanic immigrants in educational and economic attainment are constrained by the large numbers who lack legal status.

The Debate Over Multiculturalism: Philosophy, Politics, and Policy,
Migration Policy Institute, September 22, 2011, 7 pp.
In this policy brief, University of California, Berkeley, Professor Irene Bloemraad distinguishes between three types of multiculturalism: "demographic multiculturalism," or the description of the pluralism that actually exists in a particular society; "multiculturalism as political philosophy," which she defines as a "philosophy centered on recognizing, accommodating, and supporting cultural pluralism'" and "multiculturalism as public policy," or the process of adapting to the cultural diversity of groups in a particular society. She notes that "social scientists have only recently begun to evaluate multiculturalism as public policy." One useful tool is the "multiculturalism policy index (MCP Index)" developed by two researchers in Canada, which measures the extent to which selected multicultural policies appear in 21 nations over a period of three decades. With some notable exceptions (Netherlands and Italy), "actual policy in many countries is slowly inching toward greater accommodation of pluralism, despite the political rhetoric around the perceived problems of diversity." She further notes that opposition to multiculturalism as public policy on the part of majority populations may stem from concerns over demographic multiculturalism.

Integration Beyond Migration: Kicking off the debate,
Migration Policy Group, June, 2011, 29 pp
Over the past several decades Europe has undergone a radical demographic transformation. A decline in the reproductive rates of native populations and the arrival of international migrants from both within the EU and without has presented a number of challenges and opportunities for integration. Currently, two policy frameworks exist for integrating migrants into European social systems: Europe 2020 and the Stockholm Programme. This paper examines the integration gaps within existing policies that fail to incorporate various groups into civil society and proposes redefining policies in order to encourage the development of active citizenship by all members of society. Accordingly, the paper describes and analyzes a number of approaches for creating a more inclusive society where persons are able to fulfill their inherent potential through the removal of obstacles which limit capacity. Finally, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for building more dynamic, open and inclusive systems.

Immigrant Integration in Europe in a Time of Austerity,
Migration Policy Institute, 2011, 25 pp.
The report examines the extent to which governments in EU countries have altered their spending for, and approaches to, immigrant integration as a result of the global financial crisis. Noting that comparisons across countries are difficult because of the varying definitions of "immigrant group" (should initiatives targeting the children of immigrants be included?), the number of ministries involved, and the extent to which integration policy has been "mainstreamed," the author proceeds to offer "snapshots" of integration work in nine countries, looking especially at the political and economic backdrop to these efforts. She concludes that investments in integration are being cut at precisely the time when the need is greatest; that the extent to which integration policies are "embedded" in the "broader panoply of government policies" may provide some protection against targeted cuts (particularly true for Portugal and Spain); and that "migration fatigue" might explain the "dissatisfaction with the status quo" in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, two countries that have long labored to integrate their immigrant populations. The report concludes with a series of observations on future directions.

A Description of the Immigrant Population: An Update,
Congressional Budget Office (CBO), June, 2011
After seven years, the CBO has updated its last report on the immigrant population. Relying on data from the Department of Homeland Security and the 2009 American Community Survey, CBO has put together a revealing portrait of the immigrant population in the U.S., with special attention to historical trends, state-by-state and ethnic comparisons, and occupational trends. The CBO-designed figures are of particular interest. Figure 7 shows that the percentage of foreign-born people in New Jersey increased from 15% in 1999 to more than 21% in 2009, the largest percentage increase in the nation. At the same time, Figure 13 shows that the unauthorized population in New York and New Jersey, as a percentage of the state population, showed no increase during this period, in contrast to states like Arizona, Georgia, Texas, which had substantial increases.

The Faltering US Refugee Protection System: Legal and Policy Responses to Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Others in Need of Protection,
Migration Policy Institute & the European University Institute, 2011, 38 pp.
Funded by the European Union, this paper argues that the U.S. refugee protection system "needs significant policy attention and revitalization." The author Donald Kerwin traces the evolution of the U.S. Refugee Assistance Program (USRAP) from 1975 to the present -- a period during which the U.S. admitted nearly 3 million refugees, three-quarters of whom came from Southeast Asia or the former Soviet Union. In recent years, the character and composition of the refugee population has changed dramatically. In FY 2009, for example, the U.S. admitted refugees from more than 60 nationalities, including 25 African nationalities - often in a deliberate attempt to address the needs of the most vulnerable refugees. Many have limited formal education and have languished in refugee camps for many years, yet they are expected to achieve self-sufficiency in eight months, at a time when the economy is in recession and job opportunities are limited. Kerwin also reviews how USRAP has been impacted by new security measures put in place after the 2001 terrorist attacks. Finally, he discusses the consequences of interdiction and expedited removal on the ability of asylum seekers to find protection in the U.S.

Immigrants in the United States: How Well Are They Integrating into Society?
Migration Policy Institute, May, 2011, 25 pp
This paper examines recent research along four dimensions of immigrant integration in the United States: language acquisition, socioeconomic attainment, political participation, and social integration. Written by Stanford sociologist Tomás Jiménez and funded by the European Union, the paper finds that integration is "proceeding steadily, but unevenly." The author, however, notes some troubling developments that may stall integration in the future. One is the lack of legal status for large numbers of immigrants, which has adverse consequences not only for the immigrants themselves, but also for their American-born children. Other concerns include the crisis in public education and the economic downturn. Tomás argues that strong public schools and economic growth have facilitated the integration process, perhaps making up for the absence of European-style integration initiatives in the United States. Without these supportive factors, the continuation of successful integration outcomes in the U.S may be in jeopardy.

Immigrant Integration and Policy in the United States: A Loosely Stitched Patchwork,
Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, University of California Berkeley, April 7, 2011, 37 pp.
This paper examines the most important policy domains and initiatives supporting immigrant integration in the United States. Written by Irene Bloemraad (UC Berkeley) and Els de Graauw (Baruch College), the paper argues that the "dominant laissez-faire outlook" toward integration and the variation in local integration approaches around the country, some encouraging but others exclusionary, are cause for some concern. Even academics in the United States, the authors note with some alarm, "envisage no major role for government in immigrants' social inclusion." The authors then proceed to review current policies in such areas as language, education, health care, and public benefits. Although there are some bright spots, "the overall image is of gathering storm clouds threatening immigrants' successful integration."

Executive Action on Immigration: Six Ways to Make the System Work Better,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), March, 2011, 23 pp.
This report suggests steps that the Executive Branch can take in the absence of new federal legislation "to improve and strengthen the performance of the nation's immigration system." The ideas in the report grew out of a roundtable that MPI convened in the spring of 2010. The proposed changes would offer "significant improvements without the need for new legislation or significant infusions of additional resources." Among the six changes would be the creation of a "White House Office on Immigrant Integration" that would "convene appropriate Cabinet members and a working group of elected state and local officials to establish immigrant integration goals and targets, coordinate existing programs, and develop policy and budget mechanisms for meeting integration goals." The office would be led by an Assistant to the President. The report provides the rationale and outlines the benefits of such an initiative.

Migration Policy Index III,
The British Council and Migration Policy Group, February, 2011, 212 pp.
Produced by a consortium of 37 national-level organizations led by the British Council and Migrant Policy Group, the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) measures policies to integrate immigrants in 31 countries in Europe and North America. It uses 148 policy indicators to create a multi-dimensional picture of immigrants' opportunities to participate in receiving societies. MIPEX covers seven policy areas which shape an immigrant's journey to full citizenship, including labor market mobility, family reunion, education, long-term residence, political participation, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. First published in 2005, this is the third edition of the Index and the first to include the United States, which ranked 9^th among the 37 nations in the effectiveness of its integration policies. Sweden, Portugal, and Canada had the highest scores.

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration 2010,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States and other partner organizations, 2011, 39 pp.
For the third year in a row, GMF has conducted a survey of public opinion on immigration-related issue in six countries of the European Union, Canada and the United States. The 2010 survey added new questions on the impact of the recession on attitudes regarding immigration, as well as on the extent of second generation integration. As in the past, populations in all countries tend to overestimate the size of the immigrant population, as well as the percentage of immigrants who are unauthorized. Majorities in all European countries, with the exception of Spain, said that immigrants were not integrating well. North Americans were more positive, with 59% of Americans and 65% of Canadians saying that immigrants are integrating well.

The U.S. Foreign-Born Population: Trends and Selected Characteristics,
Congressional Research Service, January 18, 2011, 34 pp.
Prepared for members and committees of Congress, this report was designed to provide "context for consideration of immigration policy options." Relying primarily on data from the 2008 American Community Survey, the report analyzes the geographic, demographic, social and economic characteristics of the foreign-born population in the United States. The report covers educational attainment, English language proficiency and workforce participation rates, with breakdowns by nationality, gender, and year of arrival.

The Impact of the Great Recession on Metropolitan Immigration Trends,
Brookings, December, 2010, 10 pp.
This report examines changes in the foreign-born population both nationally and in the 100 largest metropolitan areas since the onset of the Great Recession in December, 2007. Growth has continued in some areas, such as Houston and Raleigh, that have "weathered the recession" well. Declines have occurred in some traditional immigrant gateways, such as New York and Los Angeles. In the country as a whole, the poverty rate for immigrants rose from 14.6% in 2007 to 16.7% in 2009, reflecting the lay-offs of low skill workers in the construction and service and hospitality industries.

World Migration Report 2010: The Future of Migration, Building Capacities for Change,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 272 pp.
This is the fifth in a series of biennial reports published by IOM since 2000. The report is rich with data on all aspects of world migration, with both global and regional overviews. The theme of this particular report is capacity-building defined as "the process of strengthening the knowledge, abilities, skills, resources, structures and processes that States and institutions need...to facilitate the development of humane and orderly policies for the movement of people." A separate chapter of the report focuses on immigrant integration and covers ten core areas for capacity-building.

Immigrant Legalization in the United States and European Union: Policy Goals and Program Design,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2010, 15 pp.
Written by Marc R. Rosenblum, an Assoc. Professor of Political Science at the University of New Orleans, who previously played a role in crafting the Senate's immigration legislation in 2006 and 2007, this brief examines the various policy options and trade-offs involved in designing effective legalization programs. Noting that "virtually every major migrant-receiving state has enacted some form of immigrant legalization in response to climbing rates of illegal immigration since the 1980s, with about 3.5 million Americans and 5 million Europeans gaining legal status," the author suggests "four standards by which to judge the success of a legalization system:" inclusiveness, fairness, cost effectiveness, and self-enforcement. He also reviews options regarding retrospective eligibility, requirements to be met prospectively during the legalization process, and the benefits to be received through participation in the program. Observing that "the goals of inclusiveness and fairness are fundamentally in tension," the author concludes with some suggestions as to how to resolve this tension.

More than IRCA: US Legalization Programs and the Current Policy Debate,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), December, 2010, 19 pp
Noting that legalization programs "have been an enduring and necessary feature of US immigration law and policy since the nation's first quota restrictions in the 1920s," MPI's Vice President for Programs Donald M. Kerwin summarizes the three broad types of legalization programs: registry, population-specific, and the general program known as the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986. He notes that many more people have been legalized under the population-specific and registry programs than under IRCA. The report includes a table showing the numbers legalized under these various programs since 1986. In concluding comments, Kerwin observes that the legalization of "discrete immigrant populations" has historically enjoyed stronger congressional support and may be the more politically viable approach in the future.

Structuring and Implementing an Immigrant Legalization Program: Registration as the First Step,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), November, 2010, 43 pp.
This report -- the first in a series on "how to shape, structure, and administer a legalization program" -- examines the "immense" administrative challenges associated with such a program, especially one that might have to process more than four times the number of people legalized under the 1986 legislation. Unlike the earlier program, which was "retrospective" in nature, i.e. requiring applicants to prove that they satisfied conditions in the past, any new program would be future-oriented, i.e. require them to "earn" legal status following passage of the legislation. For this reason, MPI recommends careful planning "well in advance of the passage of legislation." As the government "must decide how to treat applicants whose eligibility for LPR status will not be determined for many years," MPI further recommends a "simple and streamlined" initial registration process lasting one year. Other recommendations deal with documentation requirements, application fees, verifying continuing presence requirements, electronic filing, and the role of community-based organizations.

Migration and Immigrants Two Years after the Financial Collapse: Where Do We Stand?
Migration Policy Institute, Report for the BBC World Service, October, 2010, 127 pp.
Produced by a multinational team of scholars, this report grew out of discussions that took place in May, 2010, at a gathering sponsored by the Transatlantic Council on Migration in Bellagio, Italy The report documents disproportionate job losses among immigrants, especially among lower skilled migrants, males, and younger migrants; major reductions in migrant inflows in Europe and the United States; and reductions in illegal migration as evidenced by sharply reduced apprehensions on the southern border of the U.S and on Europe's southern periphery. The report also raises the possibility that migration flows to developed countries may not return to pre-recession levels even after the resumption of stronger economic growth, but rather may be shifted to the emerging economies of Asia. In lieu of an executive summary, the report features a series of nine "headlines" derived from the research with brief explanatory notes.

Giving Facts a Fighting Chance: Answers to the Toughest Immigration Questions,
Immigration Policy Center, October, 2010, 21 pp.
In this guide, IPC presents evidence to answer the "toughest questions" posed by immigration skeptics and opponents. Arranging the material in short and readable chunks, the authors have produced what amounts to a primer for pro-immigration advocacy. Among issues covered are: border enforcement, worksite enforcement, E-verify, comprehensive immigration reform, birthright citizenship, the environmental impact of immigration, and immigrant use of public benefits.

Climate Change and Immigration: Warnings for America's Southern Border,
American Security Project, September, 2010, 7 pp
Noting alarming patterns of declining agricultural yields, severe water shortages caused by Andean glacial melting, and growing desertification in much of Latin America, Lindsay Ross, a policy analyst for the bipartisan American Security Project, predicts growing migratory pressures along the southern border of the United States caused by climate change. He argues that "addressing climate change is a crucial step in stemming and managing this potentially massive tide of immigration."

Assimilation Today: New Evidence Shows the latest Immigrants to America are Following our History's Footsteps,
Center for American Progress, September, 2010, 43 pp.
Examining data from the 1990 and 2000 censuses, and the 2008 American Community Survey, University of Southern California researchers Dowell Myers and John Pitkin see evidence that "assimilation is robust in the 21^st century and follows the pattern of previous eras of American history." The authors trace six social and economic indicators: citizenship, homeownership, English-language proficiency, educational attainment, occupation, and income; and follow a primary cohort of immigrants who arrived in the U.S. from 1985 to 1989, and who were 20 years of age or older in 1990. Three indicators, in particular, show "striking" improvement: Homeownership (rising from 16% to 62% over 18 years), men with individual earnings greater than the poverty threshold (rising from 35% to 66%) and speaking English well (rising from 56% to 64.1%). Three other indicators, however, show relatively little change: high school completion, attainment of a B.A. degree, and movement into a professional or managerial occupation. When English language ability was evaluated for two other cohorts: immigrants age 10-19 in 1990 and those age 0-9 in 1990, the improvements were quite dramatic - over 80% for the first group and roughly 95% for the second. The authors find similar patterns emerging when they separately examine Mexican and other central American immigrants. The authors caution against the "Peter Pan Fallacy," which assumes that immigrants are frozen in time, "never aging, never advancing economically, and never assimilating," and which may be especially prevalent in states with recently arrived immigrant populations, where the workings of assimilation have yet to be observed.

The Demographic Impacts of Repealing Birthright Citizenship,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2010, 11 pp
This study projects the future size of the undocumented population in the United States under various repeal scenarios. It concludes that the least restrictive "mother and father" version of repeal - the one introduced in the current session of Congress - would lead to a 44% increase in the unauthorized population to 16 million in 2050. The authors also mention the possibility of a "perpetuation of hereditary disadvantage" for later generations and include estimates as to how repeal would impact the legal status of the 3^rd and subsequent generations.

Birthright Citizenship in the United States: A Global Comparison,
Center for Immigration Studies, August, 2010, 20 pp
Published by a think tank often described as anti-immigrant, this report lays out the case for the repeal of birthright citizenship. Citing reports in the Nigerian, Turkish, and U.S. press, the author claims that "an entire industry of ‘birth tourism' has been created." He also contends that ending birthright citizenship would reduce some of the "explosive growth" in "chain migration" and make it possible to introduce a temporary worker program that would be truly temporary. The author also reports that only 30 of 194 countries, and only 2 of 31 advanced economies (the U.S. and Canada), "grant automatic birthright citizenship to children of illegal and temporary aliens." Finally, he reviews the legislative history of the 14^th amendment and concludes that "the Citizenship Clause was never intended to benefit illegal aliens" and argues that Congress has the right to assert its authority over the executive branch in this matter, without resort to a constitutional amendment.

The Citizenship Clause: A "Legislative History."
January 18, 2010, 53 pp.
This essay examines the legislative history and intent of the 14^thamendment clause stating that "all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." Written by Garrett Epps, a Professor of Law at the University of Baltimore, the essay takes issue with the influential views of Peter Schuck and Rogers H. Smith, two scholars who first advanced their argument for "consensual" citizenship in 1985. Although the framers of the amendment could not have anticipated modern immigration conditions, they did, according to Epps, live in a nation that was 11% foreign-born in 1866, and they did intend the amendment to apply to immigrants, as well as to freed slaves. Epps discusses the examples of the children of Chinese immigrants, whose parents had been barred from citizenship since 1790, and the "gypsy" population, "the closest thing the United States had at that time to ‘illegal' immigrants." Both these groups were subjects of congressional colloquies on the intent of the amendment. Epps then discusses the issue of birth-right citizenship, which he describes as the "central engine" of immigrant assimilation in the United States." He argues that "the advocates of creating a new non-citizen status for native-born children (of immigrants), are in danger of (inadvertently) creating a modern analogue of the post-slavery subordination (of African-Americans) that was occurring during the months before the framing of the Fourteenth Amendment..."

Reconfiguring Settlement and Integration: A Service Provider Strategy for Innovation and Results,
Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance/Alliance canadienne du secteur de l'établissement des immigrants, May 16, 2010, 72 pp.
Written by Meyer Burstein, co-founder and former executive of the International Metropolis Project, this report provides an in-depth analysis of the Canadian immigrant and refugee service sector, based on "a series of workshops and focus groups with representatives of service provider organizations and ethnic-specific agencies" in cities across Canada. The report identifies "four strategic capacities" of the sector, including "an ability to comprehensively assess client needs and to assemble a bundle of services to address those needs, cutting across program silos." The report contains 15 recommendations "aimed at clarifying the sector's strategic directions and strengthening its strategic capacities." One recommendation calls for "an internal study to map the areas in which (the sector) enjoys a comparative advantage over mainstream and commercial service providers." Another recommendation calls for "a collaborative study with ethnic-cultural groups to determine how best to strengthen the sector's connections" with these groups, in order to "reinforce the sector's strategic advantages vis-à-vis mainstream agencies." Other recommendations are designed to bolster the capacity of the sector to be analytic and innovative, thereby preventing the sector from being "relegated to the role of passive observers and stoop labour, acting exclusively at government's behest." The report urges the development of "a sector-led, pan-Canadian institution comprised of settlement agencies and university-based researchers that would analyze and disseminate best practice information." The new body would be "part clearing house and part think tank" and would be "wholly owned" by the settlement sector. The Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance has prepared an official responseto the Burstein report.

Migration, the Environment and Climate Change: Assessing the Evidence,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States, June, 2010, 5 pp.
This short paper is one of eight new studies devoted to the topic of climate change and migration patterns prepared by the Transatlantic Study Team on Immigration and Integration. Written by Frank Laczko, the Head of Research at the International Organization for Migration, this paper examines the current state of research on climate change and migration. The author calls attention to the uncertainties surrounding the notion of environmentally-induced migration, especially when individual choice enters into the picture. Rather than thinking of population movement as either forced or voluntary, it might be more accurate, he suggests, to conceive of a continuum ranging from totally voluntary to totally forced. The author also notes the lack of empirical research on the relationships between climate change and migration. What is clear is that most environmentally-induced migration has been within and between developing countries in the global South. Apart from efforts to provide temporary refuge to those stranded outside their countries as a consequence of extreme environmental events such as earthquakes and hurricanes, most northern countries have yet to develop a "strategy and policy framework to address the impact of gradual environmental change." Copies of this paper and others in the series are available on the website of The German Marshall Fund. The International Organization for Migration has also produced a larger study on the same subject.

Migrant Resource Centres: An Initial Assessment,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 71 pp.
Defining migrant resource centres (MRCs) as "physical structures that provide services to migrants which facilitate and empower them to migrate in a legal, voluntary, orderly and protected fashion," IOM considers this report to be the first attempt "to assess (their) impact on migration management goals." According to IOM, MRCs may be found in both countries of origin and destination. Originally prepared for the 2009 Global Forum on Migration and Development, this report profiles 17 MRCs, with special attention to their role in "empowering migrants for development." The authors identify and give examples of good practices and recommend steps to strengthen and sustain organizations of this type.

Refugee Resettlement in the United States: An Examination of Challenges and Proposed Solutions,
Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs, May, 2010, 22 pp.
This report was commissioned by the International Rescue Committee and produced by a team of six graduate students under the guidance of Professor Howard Roy Williams. The report is based on extensive research and interviews with key figures in the refugee resettlement field and is intended to inform the dialogue on system reform initiated by the National Security Council. The report summarizes the strengths and weaknesses of the U.S. resettlement program and makes a series of recommendations to improve program operations and outcomes, including regular consultations with refugees on program operations, more sophisticated tracking of outcomes beyond short-term employment, and a "comprehensive study of the domestic resettlement system to determine optimal funding levels."

Beyond Arizona: Without Comprehensive Immigration Reform, Intolerance Will Rise Across Our Country,
Center for American Progress, May, 2010, 13 pp.
This report reviews two decades of state legislative efforts to combat illegal migration, focusing particularly on the states of Arizona and California, and includes a useful summary of ongoing legal challenges to such legislation. The report concludes that "many of these laws irresponsibly invite racial profiling and threaten the civil rights of U.S. residents based on their skin color" and urges Congress to enact comprehensive immigration reform as a remedy.

A Century Apart: New Measures of Well-Being for U.S. Racial and Ethnic Groups,
American Human Development Project of the Social Science Research Council, April, 2010, 22 pp.
Seeking to develop a more accurate measure of "human development" than gross national product, the United National Development Programme began issuing annual human development (HD) reports in 1990. This approach has now been applied to the United States. Using health, educational, and family income data from the 2007 American Community Survey, the Council has produced state-level comparative data for government recognized racial and ethnic groups in the U.S and has uncovered wide variations between and among groups. Asian-Americans in New Jersey, for example, rank highest in human development among all population groups. Although significantly below Asians in HD scores, Latinos in NJ rank number 1 compared to Latino populations in other states. No effort, however, has been made to disaggregate the data to reveal significant differences among groups within larger pan-ethnic categories, e.g. the many nationalities that are grouped together as "Asian" or "Latino."

Hidden in Plain Sight: Indigenous Migrants, Their Movements, and Their Challenges,
Migration Policy Institute, March 31, 2010, 7 pp.
This short paper discusses migration trends among the world's 370 million indigenous people, who often get lumped together statistically with non-indigenous migrants born in the same country. The author notes that indigenous people often migrate from rural to urban areas within their own countries, before attempting to move to other countries. The author calls for the compilation of disaggregated data about these groups and new studies to "help governments at the State and federal levels address specific issues of these communities."

Employment-Based Immigration: Creating a Flexible and Simple System,
Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton university, February, 2010, 38 pp.
Produced by six Master's level students at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, with varying ideological outlooks and professional backgrounds, this report presents their consensus position on the components of a reformed employment immigration system. The report begins by reviewing the peculiarities of the current employment system, which generates only 17% of all permanent resident visas issued by the U.S. The authors point out that studies of "immigration in the aggregate" do not shed light on the costs and benefits of employment-based immigration, which require finer analysis. The authors consider "the failure to use any data or objective analysis" to fine-tune admission priorities and numbers to be a "glaring weakness" of the current system. Their recommendations, including timely and strengthened, top-down data collection, combined with "bottom-up case studies," similar to those undertaken by the Migration Advisory Committee in the U.K in order to "judiciously deliberate between claims that workers are in short supply and claims that wages are being kept artificially low by immigration." A major recommendation is the consolidation of the existing first, second, and third preferences into a single, five-year, multiple entry employment visa category, convertible to permanent residence at the end of the five years. To ensure the integrity of the reformed system, the authors also recommend tightened immigration enforcement, through such measures as the gradual expansion of the E-Verify Program, coupled with more robust prosecution of labor law violations.

Facing Our Future: Children in the Aftermath of Immigration Enforcement,
The Urban Institute, February, 2010, 80 pp.
This longitudinal study looks at the consequences of immigration enforcement activities on a sample of 190 children in 85 families in six locations in the United States. Arrested parents or their spouses were interviewed twice: 2 to 5 months after arrest, and 9-13 months after arrest. The researchers found that the children "experienced severe challenges, including separations from parents and economic hardships that likely contributed to adverse behavioral changes that parents reported." Based on interviews with local officials and leaders of social service agencies, the study also describes and assesses the responses of the six communities to the arrests. The authors conclude with a series of policy recommendations to ease the burden on children arising from workplace raids and home arrests.

Protection through Integration: The Mexican Government's Efforts to Aid Migrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, January, 2010, 39 pp.
This report traces the history and describes the present work of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (Institute de los Mexicanos en el Exterior or IME). Working through 56 consular offices and approx 75 staff in the United States, the IME represents, according to the report, "one of the most significant, if overlooked factors in US immigrant integration policy." Mexico has become a world leader in "diaspora engagement," by recognizing that successful immigrant integration into host societies benefits both sending and receiving countries. The report describes the various programs that have been established by the IME, including consular health stations (Ventanillas de Salud), the Mexican Migrant Advisory Council, the Binational Migrant Education Program, and an adult education community center program (Plazas Comunitarias) which in 2007 operated at 373 sites in 35 states. The report recommends that IME measure its results and outcomes in a more systematic manner so that other countries might learn from its experience.

A Visa and Immigration Policy for the Brain-Circulation Era,
NAFSA Association of International Educators, December, 2009, 13 pp.
This policy brief argues that there has been a "paradigm shift in global mobility." The economic advantage that the United States once held in attracting talented international students and skilled workers is eroding, as other countries compete for this limited supply of human capital. Indeed, there has been a largely unrecognized outflow of talent from the United States to other countries. As international student mobility continues to increase, the U.S. share of the total is dwindling. The author proposes a package of reforms designed to address this problem, including more efficient consular processing of visa applicants, "treating people with civility and respect when they transit through our ports of entry," and allowing more advanced degree holders from American universities to become permanent residents.

Institutional Racism, ICE Raids, and Immigration Reform,
School of Law, University of California, Davis, December, 2009, 49 pp.
Reviewing the long sweep of U.S. immigration history, with particular attention to the southern border, UC Davis Law Professor Bill Ong Hing argues that "the construction of U.S. immigration laws and policies that began with the forced migration of Black labor...is inherently racist. The current numerical limitation system, while not explicitly racist, operates in a manner that severely restricts immigration from Mexico and the high visa demand countries of Asia." He further argues that the "dehumanization" and commoditization of "illegal immigrants," as promoted by "hot talk radio hosts, conservative columnists, and politicians, Democrats and Republicans alike," works to conceal the racist nature of these policies.

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States and other partner organizations, 2009, 32 pp.
This sampling of public opinion on immigration-related issue in six countries of the European Union, Canada and the United States, shows interesting similarities and differences. Taken in September of 2009, the results reveal the impact of the recession on public views, and may be contrasted with an earlier pre-recession poll taken in 2008. Predictably, those whose financial situation got worse are more worried about migration than those who held their own, but not by a wide margin. Respondents in all countries "grossly overestimated" the number of immigrants in their countries. In three countries (the United States, Spain, and Italy), the majority of respondents thought that most immigrants were undocumented. In all countries, undocumented immigrants aroused the most concern. The authors conclude that "many of the negative stereotypes about immigrants can be attributed to worries about illegal, rather than legal, migrants." Finally, majorities in all countries favor permanent over temporary labor migration, as well as allowing the legal entry of environmental refugees.

What Assimilation Means Today,
Zócalo Public Square, Chicago, November 6, 2009
Leading scholars and policy experts discuss the meaning of immigrant integration, including whether "assimilation is still a bad word." Presenters include: Tamar Jacoby (ImmigrationWorks USA), Gary Gerstle (Vanderbilt University), Noah Pickus (Duke), Jose Luis Guttierez (National Alliance of Latin American & Caribbean Communities) Richard Alba (CUNY), Dowell Myers (USC), and Peggy Levitt (Wellesley College). Video recordings of the keynote speech and the two panel sessions, as well as a written summary of all conference sessions, are available on the Zócalo website.

Committed to the Diaspora: More Developing Countries Setting Up Diaspora Institutions,
Migration Policy Institute, Nov. 2, 2009, 15 pp
Drawn from a much larger study, this article details the efforts of governments around the world to strengthen ties with their diasporas, or communities of emigrants and their descendents in other countries. Although governments in poorer countries are mainly interested in tapping into the talent and resources of their diasporas for development purposes, some governments are also involved in efforts to protect migrants and promote their integration into destination countries. The article details the types of ministerial and sub-ministerial entities set up to administer diaspora affairs and includes charts showing the percentage of each country's population living abroad. The authors also discuss the efforts of regional and local governments, such as 30 provinces in China, and 29 of Mexico's 32 states, to build stronger relations with their expatriate communities.

Made in America: Myths and Facts about Birthright Citizenship,
Immigration Policy Center, September, 2009, 34 pp.
Four scholars discuss the meaning, importance, and legislative history of the Fourteenth Amendment, which states that "all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." In four separate essays, the authors argue against attempts to deny citizenship to the children of unauthorized immigrants, contending that such a change would be inconsistent with the intentions of those who wrote the Amendment, compromise a key principle of American democracy, have little or no effectiveness in stopping illegal migration, and likely fuel the growth of an "exploitable underclass" in American society.

Breaking the Immigration Stalemate: From Deep Disagreements to Constructive Proposals, A Report from the Brookings-Duke Immigration Policy Roundtable,
The Brookings Institution and the Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University, 2009, 28 pp.
Bringing together 20 leaders and experts who "see immigration from divergent, even conflicting perspectives," this roundtable spent 10 months working to hammer out a set of consensus recommendations for immigration reform. The participants agreed that the final product represented "a reasonable balance among competing considerations, interests, and principles, and that it is a major advance over the status quo." Among the recommendations are the following: GAO-monitored "coordination and sequencing" of legalization with a strict regime of workplace enforcement, a "tilting toward skills" in admissions policy, maintenance of the current overall flow levels of 1.1 million legal admissions per year, creation of a Standing Commission on Immigration to provide ongoing guidance to Congress on immigration policy, and the creation of an Office for New Americans within the Executive Office of the President to coordinate the work of all federal departments and all levels of government to ensure the successful integration of immigrants and their children.

A Broken System: Confidential Reports Reveal Failures in U.S. Immigrant Detention Centers,
National Immigration Law Center, ACLU of Southern California, Holland & Knight, 2009, 154 pp.
Since 1992, there has been a five-fold increase in the number of immigrants held in detention in the United States - reaching 320,000 in 2007. Based on a review of 18,000 pages of government documents released under court order, this report finds that the entire system is "woefully unregulated." ICE detention standards are often routinely disregarded and violated. 67% of all detainees are held in state or county jails, where the level of oversight is particularly lax. Major deficiencies were found in standards such as visitation rights, recreational time, telephone access, access to legal material, and use of disciplinary segregation. The report contains numerous recommendations to create a more humane and just system, including a moratorium on further expansion of the system and greater use of supervised release programs. In New Jersey, seven county jails have contracts with ICE to incarcerate immigrant detainees.

Iraqi Refugees in the United States: In Dire Straits,
International Rescue Committee, June, 2009, 36 pp.
Based on field observations in several U.S. cities by a private "Commission on Iraqi Refugees" appointed by the International Rescue Committee, this report finds that the federal refugee resettlement program "faces major structural challenges in its organization and funding." With 17,000 Iraqi refugees slated for admission during FY 2009, many of whom suffering from trauma, injury, and illness, with large numbers of widows with children, the economic downturn is wreaking havoc on the ability of individual refugees to achieve rapid self-sufficiency. Without policy reform, many Iraqi refugees, according to the Commission, will end up homeless and in long-term poverty. The report contains five recommendations for policy reform, including alternatives to early employment to permit refugee professionals to participate in recertification programs.

No Shortcuts: Selective Migration and Integration,
2009 Transatlantic Academy Report on Immigration, March, 2009, 34 pp.
In this report, six scholars - three from the United States and three from Europe - describe and assess skill-based immigration systems in western countries and reach a number of policy-related conclusions, including the following: first, that "selective migration schemes that do not have a specific connection to employment are faced with problems of integrating immigrants into the labor market;" second, that "highly-skilled (migrants) are not immune to problems of adaptability and integration;" and third, that the American economic and immigration boom of the last few decades is over, resulting in inevitable changes in the quantity and patterns of migration, and that migration should no longer be viewed "as a one-way street toward Europe and the United States," but rather as a process characterized by "circular migration and multiple-life-phase migrations" -- and with many new players, including China and India. The authors stress the importance of sound integration policies to prevent "brain waste" and the spread of extremist ideologies. They also argue that "systems and environments devised to make it easier for people to move back and forth are preferable to the build-up of border and control systems."

Learning from Each Other: The Integration of Immigrants and Minority Groups in the United States and Europe,
Center for American Progress, April, 2009, 36 pp.
This report compares and contrasts European and American approaches to immigrant integration. The report commends the European Union for its effort to define a common framework and set of principles to guide integration efforts on the member state level and its dedication of substantial resources for integration work. It urges the United States to follow a similar approach. The United States, in turn, is commended for its strong antidiscrimination laws and its ability to enforce regulations on the state and local level -- achievements worthy of emulation by European states. The report calls for the creation of a "new National office of Integration in the White House," charged with reducing barriers to integration for both new immigrants and minority groups.

The Evolution of Language Competencies, Preferences and Use Among Immigrants and their Children in the United States Today,
Testimony of Rubén G. Rumbaut, University of California, Irvine, to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law, U.S. House of Representatives, May 16, 2007, 28 pp
This paper addresses the question of whether the U.S. is continuing to function as a "graveyard for languages." In particular, the author tests the assertion of Samuel P. Huntington in a controversial 2004 book that immigrants from Latin America and their children are clinging to Spanish and thereby threatening the identity and unity of American society. Citing a number of intergenerational studies completed in heavily Hispanic areas in south Florida and southern California, Rumbaud finds little support for Huntington's thesis. Rumbaud concludes that "the death of immigrant languages in the United States is not only an empirical fact, but can also be considered as part of a larger and widespread global process of ‘language death.'" From a public policy point of view, leaders in the United States may wish to consider the desirability of this outcome and take steps to promote the preservation of immigrant languages as a national resource.