A Rising Share of the U.S. Black Population is Foreign Born,
Pew Research Center, April 9, 2015, 30 pp.
Author: Monica Ande
2000, the foreign-born black population in the U.S. has increased by 56 percent, going from more than 2.4 million to nearly
3.8 million. A Rising Share of the U.S. Black Population is Foreign Born examines the demographic, economic, and
geographic characteristics of the foreign-born black population in the U.S. Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2013
American Community Survey and the decennial censuses, the study reports that the number of black immigrants in the U.S. has
quadrupled since 1980. Black immigrants now comprise 8.7 percent of the total black population, and according to Census Bureau
projections, this percentage will continue to increase. While half of all black immigrants are from the Caribbean, with Jamaica
accounting for 18 percent of the national total, the recent growth in size has been driven by African immigration. Between
2000 and 2013, the number of black African immigrants living in the U.S. has increased by 137 percent. The report finds that,
compared to all U.S. immigrants, immigrant blacks are more likely to hold U.S. citizenship and speak English proficiently.
It also finds that the U.S. black immigrant population is geographically concentrated in just two regions, the Northeast and
South, which are home to more than 82 percent of all black immigrants. (Louisa Johnson for The ILC Public Education Institute)
The Foreign-Born Population from Africa: 2008-2012,
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey Briefs, October, 2014, 10 pp.
Christine P. Gambino, Edward N. Trevelyan & John Thomas Fitzwater
This brief discusses the size, place of
birth, geographical distribution, and educational attainment of the foreign born from Africa. The total African population
in the U.S. is 1.6 million, or about 4 percent of the total foreign-born population. The four largest groups are Nigerian
(14 percent of the total African population), Ethiopian (10- percent), Egyptian (9 percent), and Ghanaian (8 percent). Forty-one
percent of the African-born population had a bachelor's degree or higher in 2008-2012, compared with 28 percent of the overall
foreign-born. Egypt (64 percent) and Nigeria (61 percent) were among the African countries with the highest proportion of
bachelors and higher degrees. The report includes maps and charts showing states with the high concentrations of African immigrants.
North Dakota (19.4 percent) and Minnesota (19.2) were the two states with the highest percentage of African immigrants to
total foreign-born population. New York, California, Texas, and Maryland had the highest absolute numbers of African immigrants.
State of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Series
The Center for American Progress & AAPI Data (University of California, Riverside)
Karthick Ramakrishnan & Farah A. Ahmad
During the last decade, more immigrants came to the U.S. from Asia
than from any other region of the world, including Latin America. However, as authors Karthick Ramakrishnan and Farah A. Ahmad
argue, data on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) are not easily available or presented in an accessible fashion.
To address this problem, they developed six fact sheets on AAPIs covering the following topics: public opinion, demographics,
education, immigration, language diversity and English proficiency, and civic participation and democracy. The fact sheets,
according to the Center, provide an "unprecedented" look at this community. AAPIs tend to be progressive on a range
of issues. Compared to the U.S. average, for example, AAPIs favor bigger government and more services. Their impact on education
continues to increase with AAPI enrollment in K-12 growing fourfold between 1979 and 2009 and by another 31 percent by 2019
(projected). Given their tremendous diversity in national origins and ethnicity, their language diversity and English proficiency
have serious implications on education and workforce development. Immigration, too, is a key issue for AAPIs as about two-thirds
of Asian Americans are immigrants. The fact sheets also note the rising number of Asian American voters, who voted decisively
for Barack Obama in the 2012 presidential election. (Denzil Mohammed, The Immigrant Learning Center, Public Education Institute)
iCount: A Data Quality Movement for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in Higher
Educational Testing Service and the National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research
in Education, June, 2013, 33 pp.
Authors: Robert Teranishi, Libby Lok, & Back Mai Dolly Nguyen
numerous calls over the last two decades to disaggregate data so that the educational experiences and outcomes of specific
Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI) groups are revealed, this study argues that "the aggregation of AAPI sub-groups
into a single data category is a civil rights issue" because it masks significant gaps in educational participation and
achievement on the part of some groups. For example, 37.4 percent of Cambodian adults and 29.4 percent of Vietnamese lack
a high school diploma, as compared to 7.9 percent of Filipinos and 5.3 percent of Japanese. There are also significant differences
in the median income of AAPI sub-groups. The authors describe a case study of a successful AAPI data disaggregation movement
at the University of California - a student-driven campaign called Count Me In. Collecting and reporting data by sub-groups
has permitted administrators at the University to see what student populations are underrepresented and to use resources for
programs and services in a more effective manner. The report has a separate chapter devoted to the needs of Pacific Islander
communities -- one of the most disadvantaged segments of the AAPI population. The report recommends that educational institutions
make disaggregated data available to institutional researchers, administrators, faculty, and students and urges philanthropic
institutions and the U.S. Department of Education to be partners in the data refinement effort.
Spotlight on Asian American & Pacific Islander Poverty: A Demographic Profile
National Coalition for Asian Pacific American Community Development (CAPACD),
June, 2013, 57
Author: Josh Ishimatsu
Produced by national CAPACD, a network of more than 100 community-based organizations
and individuals active in 17 states, this report seeks to illuminate the plight of the nearly two million Asian Americans
and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) who live in poverty. Often overlooked in the common Asian-American success narrative, AAPIs are
one of the fastest-growing poverty populations. Since the advent of the Great Recession in 2007, the number of AAPI living
in poverty has grown by 38 percent, second only to the 42 percent growth in the number of Hispanic poor. Surprisingly, the
native-born segment of the AAPI population is growing faster than the immigrant segment, even though immigrants constitute
a majority of all AAPIs. The ethnic groups with the highest concentrations of poverty are Hmong (27.0 percent), Bangladeshi
(21.1 percent), Tongan (18.9 percent), Cambodian (18.8 percent), Samoan (16.2 percent), and Pakistani (16.0 percent). The
report also examines the geographic and residential settlement patterns of poor AAPIs and finds flaws in a 2012 report by
the Pew Research Center entitled The Rise of Asian Americans. Specifically, the CAPACD report finds higher residential concentrations
of AAPI poverty than suggested in the PEW report and notes that most poor AAPIs live in majority minority neighborhoods. The
author concludes "that the recent media noise about the disappearance of inner-city concentrations of AAPIs (e.g. Chinatowns)
has been exaggerated." Given the diverse settlement patterns of AAPIs, the author suggests that "neighborhood-based
and regional-based approaches are both appropriate in outreaching to and serving poor AAPIs." Moreover, because poor
AAPIs live in diverse neighborhoods, "there are opportunities to build multi-racial and multi-ethnic coalitions around
community development issues at neighborhood, regional and national levels."
The Rise of Asian Americans,
Pew Research Center, June 19, 2012, 215 pp.
This report is based on a telephone
survey of 3,511 Asian Americans ages 18 or over in all 50 states conducted from January 3 to March 27, 2012. Interviews were
done in English and the 7 most common Asian languages: Cantonese, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog and Vietnamese.
In order to permit comparisons among Asian sub-groups, interviews were completed with at least 500 respondents for each of
the six largest Asian sub-groups: Chinese, Filipinos, Asian Indians, Japanese, Koreans, and Vietnamese. The report also draws
on a detailed analysis of economic and demographic data from the Census Bureau and other official sources. The first chapter
highlights the socio-economic, educational and household characteristics of Asian-Americans in general, along with comparisons
across racial and ethnic groups (white, black, and Hispanic) and across the six largest Asian groups. Other chapters cover
the following topics: impressions of life in the U.S., intergroup relations, transnational ties, family and personal values,
and political and civic participation. As nearly three-quarters (74 percent) of Asian-Americans were born abroad, the report
also differentiates between the native-born and foreign-born contingents. The report states that Asian-Americans "are
the best-educated, highest-income, fastest-growing race group in the country." It should be noted that the report has
drawn sharp criticism from many Asian organizations for its perceived neglect of other Asian communities with lower educational
and economic outcomes, e.g. Burmese, Laotians, Cambodians, and for its perpetuation of the "model minority" myth.
For a summary of this critique, go to the following link.
Asians in the U.S. Labor Force: Profile of a Diverse Population,
U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), Monthly Labor Review, November,
2011, 22 pp.
This article marks the first time that BLS has published data from the Current Population Survey
about specific Asian groups in the United States. The groups examined are the largest ones in the country: Chinese (22 percent
of all Asians), Asian Indians (18 percent), Filipinos (17 percent), Vietnamese (11 percent), Koreans (10 percent) and Japanese
(6 percent). Many of the data sets are disaggregated by nativity, making possible comparisons between the foreign-born and
native-born in each group, as well as more focused attention on the immigrant cohort. The article examines labor force participation
and employment characteristics, as well as educational attainment, naturalization rates and family characteristics.
Brazilians in the United States: 1980-2007,
Center for Latin American, Caribbean
& Latino Studies, City University of New York, March, 2010, 18 pp.
study examines the growth and changing demographic profile of the Brazilian population in the U.S. California and New York's
share of the Brazilian population declined over the 27 year span of this study. By 2007, Florida (22%) and Massachusetts (18%)
had become the states with the largest percentages of Brazilians, followed by New Jersey with 10.4%. The study also looks
at educational levels; median household income; employment, unemployment rates, and poverty rates; English language ability
and bilingualism; and citizenship status. Among the findings: almost a third of the Brazilian population in 2007 had a BA
degree or higher; and median household income for the group as a whole surpassed that of Latinos and non-Hispanic whites.
CARRIBEAN IMMIGRANTS (GENERAL)
A Demographic Profile of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, April, 2012, 21 pp.
Written by Penn State Professor
Kevin J.A. Thomas, this study examines Black Caribbean immigrants, both as a group in itself, and by country of origin. Among
the major findings are the following: "While Black Caribbean immigrants are overrepresented among the less educated and
underrepresented among the highly educated, they report strong English language skills, become US citizens at high rates,
and exhibit high levels of labor force participation. Notably Black Caribbean immigrants report higher earnings than their
African counterparts, despite the fact that Black African immigrants are among the best-educated immigrant groups in the United
States...The geographic concentration of Black Caribbean immigrants in states such as New York and Florida long destinations
for Caribbean immigrants, may lend integration advantages to the population, in part because of their potential influence
over politics and public policy. Yet compared to immigrants and natives, Black Caribbean immigrants are particularly likely
to live in single-parent families with children under 18, a living arrangement that complicates family socioeconomic status
and child well-being."
Chinese Immigrants in the United States: New Issues and Challenges
Chapter in the book: People of Color in the United States: Contemporary Issues in Education, Work, Communities,
Health, and Immigration, 2016, 12 pp.
Author: Xiaochu Hu
Chinese Immigrants in the United States - New Issues and Challenges offers both an historical look at Chinese
immigrants in the U.S. and a modern-day portrait using Census, American Community Survey, Department of Homeland Security
and Department of State data. Pointing out that 55 percent of Chinese immigrants are female, the author suggests that this
skewed ratio may be due to the large number of female immigrant-orphan adoptions and the greater cultural and linguistic adaptability
of Chinese women. The author also comments on Chinese immigrants' significant role in the housing market (61 percent of households
headed by Chinese immigrants own their own homes, compared to 52 percent for immigrants overall). With homeownership and education
being mainstays of Chinese culture, Chinese immigrant families prefer to live in areas with superior school districts and,
thus, higher value real estate. Unlike much previous research, this study additionally examines the crucial role of grandparenting
in Chinese immigrant families. Migrating grandparents provide invaluable childcare and cultural continuity for their grandchildren.
However, grandparents entering on visitors' visas are typically eligible to stay for a maximum of six months, while grandparents
with children who are naturalized citizens must decide whether to live in the culturally foreign U.S. or remain in China without
their extended family. Those who move to the U.S. must deal with issues of visa status, insurance coverage and assimilation.
(Sarah Purdy for The ILC Public Education Institute)
Chinese Immigration in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, January, 2015, 13 pp.
Authors: Kate Hooper and Jeanne BatalovaChinese immigrants to the U.S. tend to be more highly educated and earn higher wages than both their native-born
and foreign-born counterparts. This is one of the findings of "Chinese Immigrants in the United States," a brief
by the Migration Policy Institute. The brief weaves history and data from the U.S. Decennial Census, recent American Community
Surveys and the Yearbook of Immigration Statistics to paint a picture of Chinese immigration patterns in the U.S.
The authors note that Chinese immigration stalled twice due to, first, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and, second, China's
restrictive emigration policies which weren't relaxed until 1978. The brief finds that Chinese immigrants in the U.S., the
third largest immigrant population, are highly skilled and educated workers as they are much more likely to hold bachelor's
degrees than the native-born (47% compared with 30% respectively). Chinese immigrants are also more likely to be employed
in business, management and science industries and earn higher wages ($57,000 compared to $48,000 and $53,000 for overall
immigrant and native-born households, respectively). The data show that Chinese immigrants are concentrated in California
and New York and are more likely to become Lawful Permanent Residents through work visa channels than through immediate family
relations. (Jamie Cross for The ILC Public Education Institute)
Cuban Migration: A Postrevolution Exodus Ebbs and Flows
Migration Policy Institute, July 6, 2017, 12 pp.
Author: Jorge Duany
article examines the history of Cuban emigration and the political context within which it has occurred. While there was Cuban
migration to the U.S. before the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the scale of that migration increased greatly afterwards. The author
divides migration since 1959 into five phases and notes that the socioeconomic characteristics of migrants changes with each
new phase. The first wave from 1959 and 1962 consisted largely of the upper and middle classes; later, Cuban migrants increasingly
resembled labor migrants coming from other countries. The Cuban Adjustment Act, enacted in 1966, acted as a magnet-offering
any Cuban admitted or paroled into the U.S. immediate refugee-like status and legal permanent residence after one year. As
relations between the U.S. and Cuba began to thaw toward the end of the Obama administration, Cubans feared an end to favorable
treatment, and there was another spike in migration. On January 12, 2017, the Obama administration announced that Cubans arriving
in the U.S. would no longer automatically be admitted or paroled, cutting their access to the special treatment provided by
the Cuban Adjustment Act. Subsequently, Cuban migration dropped dramatically. Unless the Trump administration reverses its
predecessor's policies, Cuban migrants will no longer be a significant percentage of the U.S. migrant stream (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Associates).
Cuban Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, April 7, 2015, 8 pp.
Authors: Sylvia Rustin, Jie Zong, & Jeanne
Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey and the Department
of Homeland Security's Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, this paper provides information on the size, geographic
distribution and socioeconomic characteristics of the U.S. Cuban immigrant population. With more than 1.1 million residing
in the United States, Cuban immigrants accounted for 2.8 percent of the total U.S. immigrant population. Cubans were also
the seventh largest immigrant-origin group in 2013. The report highlights the geographic concentration of Cuban immigrants,
77 percent of whom reside in the State of Florida. Two metropolitan areas (Miami and New York) hold about 70 percent of all
Cuban immigrants. Cuban immigrants tend to be less proficient in English than the general foreign-born population (62 percent
vs 50 percent). They were also older and less likely to be of working age, and showed lower rates of workforce participation
than the overall immigrant and native-born populations. Cuban immigrants also had significantly lower incomes compared to
the total foreign- and native-born populations, with 23 percent of them living in poverty, a rate higher than that of immigrants
(19 percent) and natives (15 percent). As a result of the Cuban Adjustment Act, which allows Cubans to receive a green card
after one year of residence in the U.S., thus offering a faster path to citizenship, Cuban immigrants showed higher rates
of naturalization than the total foreign-born population. Also 82 percent of the Cuban lawful permanent residents (LPRs) received
green cards under the "refugee" category, a rate considerably higher than that of LPRs in general (12 percent).
(Chiara Magini, The ILC Public Education Institute)
Ecuador: From Mass Emigration to Return Migration?
Migration Policy Institute, November 24, 2014, 17 pp.
Author: Brad D. Jokisch
A professor of geography at Ohio University with specialization in the Ecuadorian Andes, Brad D. Jokish has
produced this short primer on migration to and from Ecuador over the last 30 years. During this period, some 10 to 15 percent
of Ecuador's population has moved overseas, primarily to Spain, the United States, and Italy. The majority (58 percent) of
Ecuadorians in the U.S. reside in the New York-New Jersey metro area. Ecuadorians also constituted the largest immigrant group
in Spain for a few years during the last decade. While Ecuadorians were going abroad, other groups -- mainly displaced Colombians
and U.S. retirees -- were entering Ecuador, causing a spike in the country's foreign-born population. The paper also looks
at the phenomenon of return migration, especially the response of Ecuadorians to incentives offered by the Spanish government
to return home after the global economic downturn of 2008. Jokisch also examines the role of remittances, which reached a
peak of 6 percent of Ecuadorian GDP in 2006.
European Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, December 1, 2016, 12 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
European immigrants were once the backbone of U.S. immigration; however, after the Immigration
Act of 1965 abolished national-origin quotas that gave preference to Europeans, their migration share has fallen from 75 percent
in 1960 to 11 percent in 2014. In a statistical snapshot of today's European immigrants, the Migration Policy Institute finds
that most come from the United Kingdom (14 percent), Germany (12 percent), Poland (nine percent), Russia and Italy (both
at eight percent), and close to 40 percent of all European immigrants have settled in New York (16 percent), California (14
percent), and Illinois (eight percent). Germany has the largest European diaspora with 15 percent of all U.S. residents claiming
German ancestry or birth. On average, European immigrants are significantly older, more educated, more likely to have health
insurance coverage, and have higher household incomes than both the overall foreign- and native-born populations. Remittances
sent to Europe have grown significantly since 2000 and matter especially to Eastern European countries. European immigrants
are also more likely than the total foreign-born population to be proficient in English, to speak English at home, and to
be naturalized citizens with petitioning as immediate relatives of U.S. citizens their primary pathway to citizenship. (Karly
Foland for The ILC Public Education Institute)
Contemporary First-Generation European-Americans: the Unbearable "Whiteness"
Charlotte School of Law, February, 2013 (Forthcoming in Tulane Law Review), 62 pp.
This article examines the applicability of existing anti-discrimination statutes to the challenges
faced by contemporary European immigrants. In her analysis, the author discusses how assumptions about an all-pervasive white
privilege serve to mask the burdens that "foreignness" places on all immigrants, no matter what their "racial"
background. The author readily acknowledges that the 5 million European immigrants in the United States are generally well
integrated into American life, as measured by language proficiency, socioeconomic attainment, political participation, and
residential mobility. Nonetheless, these immigrants are not always perceived as "real" Americans and face prejudice
and discrimination, especially if their accents are too pronounced or their cultural norms deviate from the mainstream. "They
oscillate between being too foreign, and not foreign enough" to receive the legal protections afforded to non-white immigrants.
They also may feel powerless to alter their situation, as they lack strength in numbers and may blame themselves for not benefitting
sufficiently from their status as "white" immigrants. By raising these issues, the author hopes "to more closely
circumscribe the concept of white privilege, prompting Caucasians who do not fully partake of it to recognize shared areas
of concern, and to better understand the experiences of other groups who are not fully encompassed by it." The author
sprinkles the article with vignettes drawn from her own experiences as a Polish immigrant to the U.S.
Haitian Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Spotlight, May 29, 2014, 10 pp.
Nwosu & Jeanne Batalova The end of the Duvalier dictatorship,
according to this MPI information brief, opened a flow of Haitian immigrants to the U.S., resulting in a threefold increase
in the Haitian population from 1990-2012. Moreover, following the 2010 earthquake, Haitians already in the U.S. gained Temporary
Protected Status (TPS) until 2016, which offers relief from deportation and gives work authorization to 58,000 qualifying
Haitians. The fourth largest Caribbean migrant group, Haitians are concentrated in the states of Florida, New York, New Jersey,
and Massachusetts. With regard to education levels, 18 percent of Haitian immigrants had a B.A. or higher in 2012, which is
significantly lower than the 28 percent of the total U.S. foreign-born population with college degrees. Limited English Proficiency
(LEP) is higher for Haitian Immigrants (54 percent) compared to the total immigrant population (50 percent). Vocationally,
over 40 percent of Haitian adults were employed in service occupations, compared to 25 percent of all immigrant adults. At
21 percent, there is a similar likelihood of Haitians experiencing poverty as other immigrant groups. Of the 600,000+ Haitian
immigrants in the U.S., 50 percent were naturalized citizens, which is slightly higher than the share for all immigrants.
Most Haitians were relatives of citizens or other family sponsored immigrants rather than gaining status through employment
or lottery-based means. Haitian immigrants were as likely to be insured as other immigrants, but disproportionately relied
on public health care. The total remittances formally sent to Haiti increased tenfold from the 1980's to 2012 at $1.6 billion,
which is 21 percent of the country's GDP. (Colin Liebtag, Rutgers Graduate School of Social Work)
Indian Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, May 6, 2015, 10 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
The United States is the second most common destination for Indian emigrants. The nearly 2.2 million Indian
immigrants in the U.S. are the second largest immigrant group in the country, behind only Mexicans. The report provides
a statistical portrait of this group, focusing on its geographic distribution and socioeconomic characteristics. Geographically,
Indian immigrants have settled primarily in California (19 percent), New Jersey (11 percent), and Texas (9 percent).
Economically, they are more likely to be employed and have a higher household income than both the foreign- and native-born
populations. Socially, Indian immigrants are significantly more educated than both the foreign- and native-born populations
and more likely to be proficient in English than any other immigrant group. Indians are also the top recipients of temporary
high-skilled worker H-1B visas, accounting for 70 percent of the H-1B petitions approved by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration
Services (USCIS) in 2014. Many more Indians acquired permanent residence through employment pathways (52 percent) than
the general immigrant population (16 percent). 47 percent of Indian immigrants are naturalized U.S. citizens. (The ILC
Public Education Institute)
Filipino Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, June 5, 2013, 7 pp.
Authors: Sierra Stoney & Jeanne
The fourth largest foreign-born group in the U.S.
by country is Filipino. Utilizing data from the US Census Bureau's 2011 American Community Survey, 2000 and earlier decennial
censuses, and the Department of Homeland Security's Office of Immigration Statistics, the Migration Policy Institute updates
its profile of Filipino Immigrants in the United States to examine the population's size, geographic distribution, admission
categories, and demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. The profile shows that the Filipino population has increased
by 1,700 percent since 1960 to 1.8 million or four percent of the total foreign-born population with nearly half living in
California. Like the rest of the foreign-born population, Filipinos were more likely than the native-born to be of working
age. However, they showed a stronger presence than other immigrants in information technology, engineering and health care
where 18 percent of Filipino women were nurses (compared to 3.7 percent of foreign-born women overall). Indeed,
immigrants from the Philippines were more likely than both the foreign- and native-born to have a university education. In
addition to being better educated, Filipino immigrants were also shown to have stronger English language skills than the general
foreign-born population, which might help to explain their relatively high rate of naturalization: 65 percent versus 45 percent.
Honduras: The Perils of Remittance Dependence and Clandestine Migration,
Migration Policy Institute, April, 2013, 8 pp.
Author: Daniel Reichman
from the author's book entitled the Broken Village, this report discusses the political and economic transformation of Honduras
since 1980, with particular attention to how this transformation has shaped emigration trends to the U.S. Spared the civil
wars and turmoil the rocked its neighbors, Honduras actually served as a place of refuge for Salvadorans, Nicaraguans, and
Guatemalans during the eighties. Relatively few Hondurans made their way to the United States during this period; hence, Hondurans
never established a major beachhead in the United States and thus could not benefit from the 1986 amnesty and the ability
to petition for relatives back home. The "neoliberal" economic transformation of the Honduran economy in the nineties
spurred an exodus from the countryside to Honduran cities and to the United States, a trend that was accelerated by the devastation
caused by Hurricane Mitch in 1998. In 2011, the Department of Homeland Security estimated that roughly 77 percent of Honduran-born
immigrants in the U.S. were unauthorized -- the largest percentage among Central American immigrant groups. According to the
author, "the fact that Honduran-born immigrants are disproportionately unauthorized severely constrains their ability
to participate fully in social, cultural, and economic life in the United States."
Korean Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, February 8, 2017, 12 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
in the United States are considered to be one of the most successful immigrant groups due to their high socioeconomic standing.
This report examines the demographics of the Korean immigrant population using Census, Department of Homeland Security and
World Bank data. While Korean migration to the U.S. increased exponentially following the Immigration Act of 1965, which lifted
previous restrictions on Asian migration, Korean immigration rates have leveled off recently due to improved economic conditions
in South Korea. In fact, between 2010 and 2015, the Korean population in the U.S. decreased by 40,400 people. The data show
that, although Korean immigrants had higher educational attainment than the overall foreign-born population, about 52 percent
of Korean immigrants over the age of five were limited English proficient. Korean immigrants also had a lower labor force
participation rate than both the foreign-born and U.S.-born population (lower workforce participation by Korean women partly
explains this phenomenon). More than half of Korean immigrants occupy positions in management, business, science and the arts.
Between 2010 and 2014, about 198,000 Korean immigrants were living in the U.S. without authorization. With the average annual
income of the Korean immigrants ($62,000) being higher than that of the foreign-born ($51,000) and the U.S.-born ($56,000)
populations, the U.S. stands to benefit from the economic contributions of Korean immigrants. (Sarah Purdy for The ILC
Public Education Institute)
The Complex and Varied Households of Low-Income Hispanic Children,
National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families, January, 2015, 10 pp.,
Kimberly Turner, Lina Guzman, Elizabeth Wildsmith, & Mindy Scott
The presence of an immigrant
parent in the household seems to make an important difference in this study of Hispanic children and families. Using a public
use microdata sample (PUMS) from the 2012 American Community Survey, the researchers compare low-income Hispanic families
with comparable white and black families. Thirty-six (36) percent of low-income Hispanic children with at least one foreign-born
parent live in married, two parent households– those made up of only married parents and children. The rates for comparable
white and black families are 26 percent and 8 percent, and for Hispanic children with only US-born parents, only 11 percent.
According to the authors, children with at least one foreign-born parent have a “notable advantage… given
the benefits of stable, two parent families such as relative economic well-being and parents spending more time with children.”
On the other hand, Hispanic children with at least one foreign-born parent also live in more crowded housing.
Household size is greater with more sharing of bedrooms. “Crowded housing,” according
to the authors, “is associated with a host of adverse outcomes for children, such as sleep deprivation, behavioral problems,
and less responsive parenting.” Yet overcrowding may also benefit children as “additional adults
in the household may contribute resources, if these adults work or help provide childcare or other vital assistance to children
and other family members.” As the number of Hispanic households with US-born parents increases and those with foreign-born
parents decreases, the factors driving differences between these households should be of concern to policymakers. This study
does not attempt to disaggregate Hispanic households by parental country of origin.
Hispanics in the United States: Not Only Mexicans,
US2010 Project, Brown University, March 2013, 16 pp.
Authors: John R. Logan &
Richard N. Turner
This paper traces the demographic, economic, and social trajectory of
the different Hispanic groups in the U.S. from 1990 to 2010. The authors call attention to the diversity of the Hispanic population,
noting that groups like the Hondurans, Guatemalans and other "new Latino" groups have experienced remarkable growth
rates during this period. Each group has its own educational and skill profile, shaping its ability to thrive in the U.S.
labor market. On the high end of the income spectrum are the Argentinians and Venezuelans; on the low end are the Guatemalans
and Hondurans. According to the authors, there is not a single Hispanic experience in America, but rather "many Hispanic
situations..." Different groups are also concentrated in different regions of the country, with for example, the Dominicans
in New York, Mexicans in Chicago, and Cubans in Miami. The paper also finds important intra-Hispanic differences in residential
segregation from non-Hispanic whites. While "Mexican segregation is persistent...other groups are experiencing much more
integration with whites...a phenomenon that has been submerged by analyses of Hispanics as a single large category..."
Foundation Funding and Latino Community Priorities: Gaps and Opportunities,
Hispanics in Philanthropy (HIP), April, 2012, 20 pp.
This report is the second
in a series focusing on foundation funding of Latino organizations and Latino community needs. The first report, published jointly with the Foundation Center, documented trends in foundation funding during the first decade
of the century. It found that funding remained generally flat during a period of high Latino growth, with only 1.3 percent
of all foundation funding in 2009 directed to identifiable Latino organizations and activities. This second report summarizes
findings from two surveys conducted in 2011 seeking to understand the apparent low level of foundation investment in Latino
organizations and activities. Data was collected from 60 funders and 155 nonprofits. Both funders and grantees generally agree
on programming priorities; education, economic development, and immigration top the list. However, grantmaking activity was
"not consistent with their (funders') understanding of what is important in Latino communities." The research team
from Milano the New School for International Affairs speculates that the lack of Latino representation at the senior management
level may account for this discrepancy, along with the "narrow focus" of many foundations. In their survey responses,
grantees were concerned about the lack of funder support for community organizing, administrative functions, and capacity-building.
The report concludes with a number of recommendations both for funders and for HIP as an intermediary organization. Among
other things, the authors urge funders to provide capacity-building and core support for "small, high-impact Latino nonprofit
organizations" and encourage HIP to serve as a conduit to these organizations by continuing its national funders' collaborative.
LGBT Adult Immigrants in the United States,
The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, March, 2013, 11 pp.
Author: Gary J.
This report profiles immigrants, both documented and undocumented,
who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT). The author estimates that there are 267,000 self-identified
LGBT undocumented and 637,000 self-identified LGBT documented immigrants living the United States. Unlike the native-born
LGBT population in the U.S. which is majority female (53 percent), approximately two-thirds of undocumented and 57 percent
of documented LGBT immigrants are male. Hispanics make up the majority of undocumented LGBT adults at 71 percent, followed
by Asians and Pacific Islanders at 15 percent. However, among the documented population, the percentage of Asians and Pacific
Islanders (35 percent) exceeds that of Hispanics (30 percent). There are 24,700 same-sex bi-national couples (one US citizen
and one non-citizen) and 11,700 same-sex couples with two non-citizens. Same-sex couples with two non-citizens are more likely
to raise children under age 18 at 58 percent compared to same-sex bi-national couples at 25 percent. In terms of employment,
there is no significant difference between same-sex and different-sex men. On the other hand, naturalized women (98 percent)
and non-citizen women (90 percent) in same-sex couples report higher employment than women in different-sex couples (95 percent
and 87 percent respectively). The report includes a methodology section explaining the procedures used in developing these
estimates. (Lorin Mordecai)
A Revolving Door No More? A Statistical Profile of Mexican Adults Repatriated from the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, May 2017, 23 pp.
Authors: Ryan Schultheis & Ariel
G. Ruiz Soto
Return migration to the United States by deportees from Mexico has slowed
down significantly in the past decade. The Migration Policy Institute report, A Revolving Door No More? A Statistical
Profile of Mexican Adults Repatriated from the United States, gives a statistical and demographic profile of Mexican
adults returned by the United States government between 2005 and 2015 using data collected by the Mexican Interior Ministry.
During that time, there was an 80 percent drop in Mexican adults seeking re-entry after being repatriated from the United
States: 471,000 in 2005 to 95,000 in 2015. According to the Mexican Northern Border Survey, repatriated Mexicans intending
to return to the U.S. declined from 95 percent to 49 percent between 2005 and 2015. The percentage of those intending to stay
in Mexico rose from five to 47 percent, and many of those intending to stay in Mexico are leaving their children behind in
the U.S. The report offers several factors that have contributed to this trend: border crossing has become more difficult,
the U.S. economy has weakened and the criminalizing of unauthorized entries by the U.S. have all become effective deterrents.
As new U.S. immigration policy may lead to greater border enforcement and increased removal of Mexican immigrants, it will
be important for Mexico to strengthen services that encourage the social and economic reintegration of returning Mexican adults
to promote future economic growth for the country. (The ILC Public Education Institute)
Unauthorized Mexican Migration and the Socioeconomic Integration of Mexican Americans,
Russell Sage Foundation, 2013, 43 pp
Authors: Frank D. Bean, Susan K. Brown, Mark
A. Leach, James D. Bachmeier, & Jennifer Van Hook This essay
argues that, without a path to citizenship for undocumented Mexican immigrants, integration into American society will suffer
for generations to come. The authors look at demographic trends, integration indicators such as education and socioeconomic
status and immigration policy to find out "How well are undocumented Mexican immigrants and their children and grandchildren
faring in the United States?" Such a question is pertinent given that "the country has become more Mexican"
as a result of America's declining low-skilled native population and despite policy efforts to the contrary. The authors note,
however, that there has been a concomitant increase in the economic and social marginality of undocumented Mexican immigrants.
Full societal membership is thwarted by policies that restrict their movement, access to services, upward mobility and legalization.
As the authors point out, "this forces the immigrants and their children to live in the shadows (which) matters for educational
outcomes in the second and third generations" since children of undocumented parents average fewer years in school, suggesting
they are likely to lack a high school diploma, adequate wages and, thus, ways to rid themselves of the stigma of being undocumented
Mexican Americans. Indeed, "legal status alone exerts its own positive force on second and third generation education"
and, without it, will perpetuate the expanding underclass of marginalized Mexican Americans. (Denzel
Mexican Migration to the United States: Underlying Economic Factors and Possible
Scenarios for Future Flows,
Wilson Center and Migration Policy Institute, April, 2013, 22 pp.
Chiquiar & Alejandrina Salcedo
By analyzing migratory trends from Mexico to the U.S. during three periods:
the 1990s, 2000 to 2007, and 2007 to 2011, the authors of this report attempt to predict future flows of Mexican immigrants.
The report looks at the "intensity" (or the proportion) of Mexican immigrants within specific industries in the
United States and tries to relate growth patterns within these industries to future demand for Mexican workers. The authors
also note that the skill levels of Mexican workers, both in Mexico and in the migratory stream, are increasing, so that one
cannot generalize on the basis of the profile of earlier cohorts of Mexican workers. Recognizing that there are a variety
of "shocks," such as an economic crisis in Mexico or stricter border enforcement, that could either raise or lower
these estimates, the authors nonetheless predict an average "baseline" net annual inflow of 258,000 during the 2011
to 2017 period, a figure much lower than the 466,000 per year who arrived in the 1990s, but similar to the 277,000 who arrived
from 2000 to 2007, before the onset of the Great Recession.
In the Shadow of the Wall: Family Separation, Immigration Enforcement and Security:
Preliminary Data from the Migrant Border Crossing Study,"
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Arizona, March, 2013, 39 pp.
report summarizes the findings of a team of researchers who surveyed and interviewed 1,113 Mexican nationals who were deported
to six cities in Mexico from 2010 to 2012. All had crossed into the U.S sometime after September 11, 2001 and were interviewed
during the month after their deportation. The researchers found a "strikingly different portrait of deportees" than
the usual one of single men with no real ties to the U.S. Instead, although 82 percent were men, roughly half had at least
one U.S. citizen family member, and about 25 percent had a U.S.-citizen child. Typically, respondents had three lifetime crossing
attempts and one previous apprehension. Three-quarters relied on a "coyote" to shepherd them across the border,
paying an average of $2,500 per trip. The report details the hazards and violence associated with border crossings, with especially
harsh consequences for women. Efforts of the U.S. Customs and Border Protection to prevent and deport illegal border crossers
come in for sharp criticism in the report. According to the authors, most interviewees had no realistic legal channels to
immigrate to the U.S. The authors of the study, funded by the Ford Foundation, call for a rethinking of what border security
should mean in a region "connected by family" and economic need.
MIDDLE EASTERN AND NORTH AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS
Middle Eastern and North African Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute, June 3, 2015, 14 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigrants represent 2.5 percent of the 41.3 million immigrants in
the U.S. This report presents data about their socioeconomic characteristics as compared to the immigrant population in general
and the native-born population. For example, in 2013, 43 percent of MENA immigrants (ages 25 and above) had a bachelor's
degree or higher, compared to 28 percent of all immigrants and 30 percent of native-born adults. Nevertheless, 30 percent
of MENA immigrants were categorized as poor, whereas only 19 percent of the total immigrant population and 15 percent of the
native-born population were similarly categorized. There are, of course, wide variations among the various MENA national origin
populations. For example, more than two-thirds of immigrants from Egypt have finished college, compared to only 11 percent
of immigrants from Yemen. The report features interactive maps that allow the reader to track changes in the size of MENA
country populations over time and to pinpoint the distribution of these populations by state, city, and metropolitan area.
Peruvians in the United States: 1980-2008,
Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies, City University
of New York, October, 2010, 37 pp.
This study examines the growth and changing demographic profile of
the Peruvian population in the U.S. Topics covered include: the size, nativity, and spatial distribution of the Peruvian population;
household income, employment, and poverty levels; years of schooling and English language abilities; citizenship status; trends
in racial self-declaration; and marriage patterns. Among major findings: Peruvians have relatively high median household income
compared with other race/ethnic groups in the U.S and other Latino national subgroups, and the lowest poverty rates.
A Profile of the Modern Salvadoran Migrant
U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants
& Universidad Tecnólogica de El Salvador, December, 2013, 57 pp.
The research team
for this study administered surveys and conducted interviews with more than 800 would-be immigrants to the United States,
all of whom had been recently deported and repatriated to El Salvador. The researchers tried to capture the experience of
these migrants as they traversed two countries (Guatemala and Mexico) on the perilous route to the U.S., often on a freight
train known as "La Bestia." Kidnappings were "systematic and widespread." Roughly half of all respondents
undertook the journey with the help of a coyote or guide. The average cost to hire a guide was $2,300. Of the total surveyed
population, about 10 percent of women and 20 percent of men were abandoned by their guides. The study also covers a wide range
of other data points, including socio-demographic characteristics of the population, reasons for migration, number of prior
attempted migrations, and whether respondents have family or friends in the U.S.
SOUTH AMERICANS (GENERAL)
South American Immigrants in the United States,
Migration Policy Institute,
May 2, 2013, 8 pp.
Authors: Sierra Stoney, Jeanne Batalova, & Joseph Russell
This report uses census
and Department of Homeland Security data to create a portrait the South American immigrant population in the U.S. Although
representing only seven percent of the U.S. foreign-born population, South Americans are better educated, less likely to enter
as refugees and more likely to enter as immediate family members than the overall foreign-born population. South American
immigrants show similar characteristics to other immigrants in the U.S. in terms of age, arrival period, naturalization rates
and occupations. The data shows that around 2.7 million South American immigrants live in the United States: a seven-fold
rise since 1960. And while South America makes up the smallest region of origin of all Latin American immigrants, South Americans
were the second-fastest growing segment of the Latin American immigrant population. They are more likely than the native-born
to be of working age and heavily support critical industries such as transportation, finance and education. In fact, they
are nearly as likely as native-born Americans to have a bachelor's degree or higher. (Denzil Mohammed)
Syrian Refugees in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, January 12, 2017, 6 pp.
Authors: Jie Zong & Jeanne Batalova
Syrian refugees represent a new migration flow to the United States. This report uses data from the State
Department's Refugee Processing Center, the Department of Homeland Security and the American Community Survey to describe
Syrian refugee resettlement in the U.S. by city and state, age and gender, and religion and language. The Syrian Civil War
has displaced 11 million people since 2011, with 4.9 million registered as refugees worldwide and 900,000 having filed asylum
claims in Europe. Between October 11, 2011, and December 31, 2016, the United States resettled 18,007 Syrian refugees, although
31 mostly Republican governors voiced opposition to the program following the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks. Of the total number
of Syrian refugees, 30 percent were resettled in California, Michigan and Texas. Within the same time frame, San Diego, Chicago
and Troy, MI resettled the most Syrians of all major cities, amounting to 13 percent of overall Syrian refugee resettlement.
Of all Syrian refugees resettled since 2011, 72 percent were women and children under the age of 14, and nearly half were
under 14 years of age. Regarding religious and linguistic demographics, the overwhelming majority of Syrian refugees were
Muslim (98 percent) and spoke Arabic (96 percent). While the Obama administration announced its plan to raise the refugee
ceiling to 110,000 in FY 2017 citing a global humanitarian crisis, President-elect Donald Trump's campaign promise of suspending
Syrian refugee admissions and cutting back the overall refugee ceiling to 50,000 leaves the future of refugee intake unclear.
(Sarah Purdy, for the ILC Public Education Institute)
UNITED STATES CITIZENS LIVING ABROAD
Counting the Uncountable: Overseas Americans
Migration Policy Institute, May 17, 2013, 7 pp.
Authors: Amanda Klekowski von Koppenfels &
This report summarizes findings from a new book by Amanda Klekwoski von Koppenfels entitled, Migrants
or Expatriates, which examines the number, characteristics, and distribution of U.S. citizens who have emigrated to other
countries or who are living abroad. Due to the limitations of data sources, estimates as to the size of this population vary
widely: between 2.2 million and 6.8 million, or between 1.0 and 2.5 percent of the current U.S. citizen population. Motives
for migration are quite varied: for marriage or partnership, study, employment, or retirement. Some became "accidental
immigrants," stumbling upon an unanticipated work opportunity after travelling to another country. Many teach English
or work in IT. Some are "love exiles," or gay and lesbian Americans with foreign partners, who moved abroad in order
to live together and/or marry. The authors devote a good portion of the essay to discussing the multiple and often conflicting
data sources they examined for their study. "Most countries do not enumerate those leaving as carefully as they do those
arriving: the United States is no exception."
Vietnamese Immigrants in the United States
Migration Policy Institute, August 25, 2014, 15 pp.
Authors: Hataipreuk Rkasnuam & Jeanne
Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey, the Department of Homeland Security's
Yearbook of Immigration Statistics and the World Bank's Annual Remittance Data, Vietnamese Immigrants in the United States
profiles the United States' sixth-largest foreign-born group by surveying the group's size, geographic distribution and socioeconomic
characteristics. Vietnamese immigrants arrived in the U.S. in three waves since the mid-1970s. Although at first most arrived
as refugees, today the majority immigrate to the U.S. as a result of family reunification growing from 231,000 in 1980 to
1.3 million in 2012. Compared to immigrants overall, their naturalization rate (76 percent vs. 46 percent), income ($55,736
vs. $46,983) and workforce participation (69 percent vs. 67 percent) are higher. However, although three-quarters of them
arrived in the U.S. before 2000, Vietnamese immigrants also are more likely to have limited English proficiency (68 percent
vs. 50 percent) and are less likely to be college educated (23 percent vs. 28 percent). In total, the Vietnamese diaspora
population in the United States numbers around 2 million people who send remittances back to Vietnam totaling $11 billion
in 2013, a tenfold increase since the late 1990s. (Denzil Mohammed)