RESEARCH ON HOW OTHER COUNTRIES AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS ARE GRAPPLING WITH MIGRATION CHALLENGES,
WORKING TO PROTECT MIGRANT RIGHTS, AND PROMOTING IMMIGRANT AND REFUGEE INTEGRATION
in order of publication date with the most recent on top. Scroll down for all entries. We regret that we may not be able
to repair broken links promptly.The conclusions and recommendations of the authors are not necessarily endorsed by Diversity Dynamics.
The Global Perspectives
Collection consists of over 100 studies looking at the impact of migration on other countries. Studies in this collection
deal with a variety of issues, including the demographic, political, economic, and environmental conditions that trigger migratory
flows; efforts on the part of other immigrant-receiving countries to manage migratory flows for specific purposes; and policies
and practices to promote immigrant integration. Some studies examine the political and social conditions that give rise
to anti-immigrant populist movements, as well as strategies to weaken or counteract their influence. Another research
theme examines the response of the world community and individual governments to the world refugee crisis. Also included in
this collection are World Migration Reports published by the International Organization for Migration, migration publications
from the OECD, and research from the Transatlantic Council on Migration.
The World is Witnessing a Rapid Proliferation of
Institute, March 2, 2022, 9 pp.
Author: Élisabeth Vallet
This study offers
a short history of border walls going back to ancient times. The author begins by offering a definition of what she
means by a “wall.” In addition to having a “masonry foundation” and being “unilateral”
(erected by only one country on its own territory), the wall serves two primary functions: “to assert a particular border
or territorial claim or, alternately, to prevent the crossing of specific people and goods such as migrants or drugs.”
At the end of the Cold War in 1989, there were only a dozen border walls in the world. Since that time, and especially after
the September 11 attacks, the number of walls has proliferated. The author sees these walls as an almost futile effort on
the part of government leaders to assert control in the era of globalization. Research from around the world indicates
that the costs of building border walls exceed their benefits. “Tunnels, drones, ladders, ramps, document forgery, and
corruption – the strategies for circumventing the walls end up multiplying.” Migrants shift to other routes
and rely more on smugglers to get to their destination. Yet, the author suggests, border walls have a staying power, not because
they are effective, but because they give the impression of effectiveness. They are “merely symbolic” attempts
to solve problems that don’t originate at the border.
World Migration Report 2022,
for Migration (IOM), December 2021, 522 pp.
Editors: Marie McAuliffe & Anna Triandafyllidou
IOM has been producing its flagship world migration reports every two years. The World Migration Report 2022, the eleventh
in the world migration report series, is intended to contribute to increased understanding of migration and mobility throughout
the world. This new edition presents key data and information on migration as well as thematic chapters on highly topical
migration issues. Among the topics covered in these chapters are trends in migration by region, COVID-19’s impact on
migration, the prevalence of disinformation about migration, the impact of climate change on migration, the impact of artificial
intelligence on migration policy and practice, trends in human trafficking in migration pathways, the extent to which international
migration is a “stepladder of opportunity,” and a summary of recent United Nations research on migration.
African Migration through the Americas: Drivers,
Routes, and Policy Responses,
Migration Policy Institute,
October 2021, 44 pp.
Authors: Caitlyn Yates & Jessica Bolter
Since 2013, migrants from Africa, most
initially arriving through Brazil or Ecuador, have migrated northwards to reach the U.S.-Mexico border. Although still comparatively
few in number, border apprehensions of African migrants, at and between ports of entry, peaked in U.S. fiscal year (FY) 2019
at 5,000. The authors of this report anticipate that these numbers will grow in the future, especially as the European Union
imposes greater restrictions on African migration across the Mediterranean. Among the 35 different African nationalities intercepted
in FY 2019, migrants from Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Ghana, and Somalia were the most common. The authors of
the report argue that it will be crucial for Latin American transit countries to build their capacity to manage this migration,
by creating permanent humanitarian resettlement options available to African migrants, strengthening border management controls,
and reducing linguistic barriers and discrimination in immigration processing. They also suggest that the U.S. establish a
refugee processing center in either Panama or Costa Rica, where claims for refugee status in the U.S. can be adjudicated.
Haitian Migration through the Americas: A Decade
in the Making,
Migration Policy Institute,
October 2021, 10 pp.
Author: Caitlyn Yates
This article chronicles Haitian migration through the western
hemisphere over the last decade – one of the largest, but often overlooked, flows of migrants in the region. A
series of disasters, including the 2010 earthquake and the devastation caused by Hurricane Matthew in 2016, as well as the
insecurity arising from rampant gang violence and government instability, drove many Haitians to seek protection and opportunity
in other countries. One of the largest movements was to Brazil, where some 85,000 arrived between 2010 and 2017. Initially
welcomed by the Brazilian government to fill labor shortages in a booming economy, Haitians experienced discrimination and
hostility when the economy stagnated and populist president Bolsanaro was elected in 2018. Chile then became the top
destination, not only because of a strong economy but because Haitians could enter without a visa until 2018. In that year,
27,000 Haitians entered Chile, and by mid-2020, an estimated 237,000 Haitians lived in Chile, although large numbers began
leaving Chile when the economy started contracting. The rest of this article traces the hazardous trek that many Haitians
are taking to reach the United States from Brazil or Chile, with special attention to the passage through the so-called Darien
Gap in Panama, and the growth of a Haitian diaspora community in Mexico.
Socioeconomic Integration of Venezuelan Migrants
and Refugees: The Cases of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru
Migration Policy Institute and the International Organization
for Migration, July 2021,
Authors: Diego Chaves-González et al
This report discusses the mass exodus
of Venezuelans from their country since 2015. Of the estimated 5.6 million Venezuelans living abroad in June of 2021, 4.6.
million were in other Latin American or Caribbean countries, with the largest numbers in Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador,
and Peru. The report explores several key dimensions of socioeconomic integration, including levels of economic inclusion,
educational attainment, access to health care, and social cohesion. While governments in the region have taken creative approaches
to provide legal status to Venezuelan newcomers, a sizable number remain in irregular status. Throughout the five studied
countries, unemployment rates are higher for Venezuelans than their local counterparts. Despite high levels of educational
attainment—particularly among those who migrated in earlier periods, many Venezuelan migrants and refugees have only
been able to access informal jobs with low wages, partly due to barriers to having their credentials recognized. Obstacles
to financial inclusion have left many Venezuelans with below-minimum-wage incomes and living in poverty. In addition, the
economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic has caused many to lose jobs. The report also traces changes in public opinion
regarding Venezuelan immigration over the six-year study period.
Pushing Back Protection: How Offshoring and
Externalization Imperil the Right to Asylum,
National Immigrant Justice
Center & fwd.us, July 2021, 74 pp.
Authors: Azadeh Erfani & Maria Garcia
This report traces restrictions
on the ability of vulnerable people to seek asylum across three continents and describes the deadly impact these policies
have had on people seeking protection around the world. Affluent nations (Australia, European Union, and the United States)
turned to two mechanisms to achieve their goals: offshoring or transferring asylum seekers to other nations for processing
or detention under tenuous bilateral agreements; and/or externalization or interfering with the journey of asylum seekers
and seeking to halt their arrival through pushbacks by public or private proxy entities. These practices violate the core
principle of the 1951 Refugee Convention – that of non-refoulement – the practice of not forcing refugees or asylum
seekers to return to a country in which they are likely to be subjected to persecution. Separate chapters of the report go
into details regarding the policies pursued by the U.S., Australia, and the EU. The report calls for the U.S. to abandon these
harsh policies and provide leadership to the world in restoring more humane treatment of asylum seekers. The authors conclude
with seven recommendations to bring U.S. policy in alignment with international standards and legal obligations.
Shelter from the Storm: Policy Options to Address
Climate Induced Displacement from the Northern Triangle,
Harvard Immigration and Refugee Clinical Program, HLS Immigration
Project, the University Network for Human Rights, Yale Immigrant Justice Project, & Yale Environmental Law Association,
April 2021, 89 pp.
Authors: Camila Bustos et al
This paper argues that fundamental reforms of the U.S.
immigration system need to be implemented in order to respond to the growing displacements of people around the world due
to climate change. Focusing on the dire situation in the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador,
the authors suggest that the U.S. has a special obligation to the people in these three countries due to the long history
of U.S. interventions in the region and our status as the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases. Studies
have identified food insecurity, recurring droughts, decline in agricultural production, increased susceptibility to disease,
and water scarcity as main drivers of climate displacement in the region. Last year, Hurricanes Iota and Eta ravaged the Northern
Triangle region, causing massive flooding and rain. The paper makes a number of recommendations, including reconceptualizing
environmental disasters to include slow-onset weather events, passing legislation creating a new climate change visa, creating
a special visa for Central Americans, extending temporary protections to persons outside the U.S., and integrating climate
change into the existing asylum policy framework.
Future Scenarios for Global Mobility in the Shadow
Migration Policy Institute, July 2021, 33 pp.
This report was funded by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) as part of a project
called “From Chaos to Coordination: Mobility during and after COVID-19.” The author, Meghan Benton,
Director of Research for MPI’s International Program, consulted with leading health and mobility experts and government
officials around the world in preparing her analysis and conclusions. The report lays out four possible future scenarios for
global mobility. In Scenario 1 (Pandemic Proofing), the pandemic will become “a 9/11 moment for borders and mobility,
with public health decisively shaping decisions on whom to let into a country in much the same way as security considerations
did in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks.” In Scenario 2 (Mobility with Friends), global cooperation remains
an elusive goal, while regional travel “bubbles” become the norm. In Scenario 3 (Chaos and Fragmentation), nation-states
continue to experiment with unilateral approaches but little progress is made on reaching global standards and procedures
resulting in continued clogged mobility channels. In Scenario 4 (Pre-Pandemic Status Quo), as the pandemic fizzles out (hopefully
by 2023), governments seek to derive benefit from fully opening up to international tourists and migrants, yet lingering concerns
about future pandemics continue to cast a shadow. The author goes into detail on each of these outcomes, including the pros
and cons of an internationally recognized vaccination certificate. She concludes, “COVID-19 has been a wake-up
call for governments on the importance of having clear and well-thought-out systems to adapt to the outbreak and spread of
disease.” In developing these systems, however, governments should resist the political temptation to use migrants as
scapegoats in future health crises.
Climate Extremes, Food Insecurity, and Migration
in Central America: A Complicated Nexus,
Migration Policy Institute,
February 18, 2021, 7 pp.
Author: Diego Pons
This article, part
of an MPI series on climate change and migration, assesses the impact of climate change
on the livelihood of small farmers in Guatemala, and the relationship between the effects of climate change and a decision
to migrate. The author discusses the provision of climate services to farmers as a way to help them adapt to changing conditions
and avoid migration. The author notes that, over the past 30 years, droughts in a “dry corridor” extending from
Panama to southern Mexico, have led to increased migration from that area. A survey of families in this corridor in 2019 found
that 8 percent of them planned to migrate. An estimated several hundred thousand people have already done so since 2014. While
there are many factors pushing people from this region to migrate, the author suggests that the provision of climate services
— information that farmers could use to respond to climate impacts — could help mitigate some of the need to migrate.
Such services would have to be paired with financial assistance. Otherwise, small-scale farmers might not have the resources
to implement adaptive strategies. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Associates)
Rewiring Migrant Returns and Reintegration after
the COVID-19 Shock,
Migration Policy Institute,
February 2021, 16 pp.
Authors: Camille Le Coz & Kathleen Newland
Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic,
tens of millions of migrant workers became unemployed, compelling many to return to their countries of origin either because
they were expelled, could not afford to stay abroad, or out of a desire to reunite with family. Millions of other immigrants
were stranded in destination countries, unable to return home. “Rewiring Migrant Returns and Reintegration after
the COVID-19 Shock,” published by the Migration Policy Institute, details how the pandemic and the ensuing global
recession have made devising policies for the return, reception and reintegration of migrants an important but complicated
policy goal. The authors isolate three main trends in migrant movement patterns throughout the COVID-19 crisis: large-scale
returns, stranded migrants, and forced returns. Countries of origin have struggled in responding to returnees' needs due to
limited resources and administrative capacity. Moreover, these migrants are returning to communities struggling with their
own health and economic crises, further complicating their reintegration. The report identifies a need for both host and origin
countries to implement contingency planning should migration patterns become disrupted again. The authors recommend that origin
countries institute reintegration programs that allow migrants to develop employable skills and assets, which may help struggling
economies rebound after the crisis stage of the pandemic ends. The authors suggest that reintegration programs also prepare
people to take advantage of opportunities to move abroad again once international migration is revitalized. Finally, the sustainable
reintegration of migrants must also focus on the well-being of the economies, societies, and migrant communities in countries
of origin. (Erika Hernandez for The Immigrant Learning Center’s Public Education Institute)
Freedom of Movement, Migration and Borders,
Journal of Human Rights,
19:5 (2020), 9 pp.
Authors: Jaya Ramji-Nogales & Iris Goldner Lang
In this article, the authors argue that COVID-19 policies restricting the movement of people across territorial
lines in both the European Union and the United States are both unnecessary from a health standpoint and a violation of treaty
obligations and human rights. The fact that exceptions to these rules have been made for essential seasonal workers and tourists
calls into questions the health justification for imposing these restrictions. The authors suggest that these restrictions
are “merely a vehicle for disguising otherwise unlawful political choices” and that scientific knowledge
wasn’t relied on to make these decisions. The imposition of border controls within the European Union violated regional
EU treaty commitments and was a blow to the fundamental principle underlying the creation of the EU in the first place.
The denial of asylum opportunities in both the EU and the United States reneged on treaty obligations made by both EU countries
and the U.S. “The human rights implications of all of these border closures are alarming, putting at grave risk vulnerable
populations who are ostensibly protected by these domestic and international legal obligations.”
How Will International Migration Policy and Sustainable
Development Affect Future Climate-Related Migration?
Transatlantic Council on Migration, December 2020, 39 pp.
Author: Robert McLemon
There are many reasons a person might migrate—conflict, economic opportunity,
and climate change. As we learn more about the harmful effects that climate change can have on people’s security and
livelihoods, concerns are mounting about what the future may hold for climate-vulnerable populations. This paper seeks to
predict possible future scenarios given current climate trends, development trajectories, and migration policies. The
report posits that migration can be either adaptive or maladaptive, i.e. migration may enhance human capacity to survive climate
change and build resilience, or it may impede progress toward sustainable development and survival. The outcome is largely
determined by the type of migration policy (open versus closed) and the level of global commitment to sustainable development.
In each of the three migration scenarios discussed in the report, migration due to climate change will definitely increase.
However, taking meaningful steps toward meeting the guidelines of the 2018 Global Compact for Migration could reduce forced
migration and enhance adaptive capability among affected migrants. The author argues that sustainable development and migration
policies can effectively be aligned to enhance the well-being of both origin and destination countries, and the livelihoods
of all people. (Katelin Reger for The Immigrant Learning Center’s Public Education Institute)
Impacts of Climate Change as Drivers of Migration,
Migration Policy Institute,
October 23, 2020, 11 pp.
Author: Alex de Sherbinin
This article from the Migration Policy Institute
provides an overview of the existing literature on the role of climate change in migration. The author seeks to determine
whether there will be mass migration in the coming decades as a result of climate change. To explore this question, the article
details the wide range of factors that influence migration, arguing that climate change is best understood as “an additional
nudge” to people living in marginal environments who have a variety of other reasons—economic, policy-related,
or cultural—to migrate. The author stresses the specificity that governs migration in any given case and the difficulty
of disentangling climate-related motivations for migration from other motives, which themselves might have some of their origins
in climate change. The article also explores the distinction between migration in developing countries, where migration is
often directly related to the precarity of agricultural or pastoral livelihoods or to political instability, and in developed
countries, where migration away from areas affected by and likely to be affected by climate change is still rare, but might
increase in the future. The author concludes that climate change is and will be a factor in migration, but that it is difficult
to prepare for it because of the complexity of its relationship to other factors that affect migration. (Karen D. Caplan,
Ph.D., Rutgers University -- Newark)
European Cities on the Front Line: New and Emerging Governance Models for Migrant Inclusion,
Migration Policy Institute
(Europe) & International Organization for Migration, May 2020, 34 pp.
Author: Liam Patuzzi
attention has been paid to the efforts of larger cities in Europe to promote the integration of immigrants and refugees, the
challenges facing smaller cities, especially those on Europe’s southern frontier like Palermo in Italy and Thessaloniki
in Greece, or those in eastern and central Europe, like Gdansk in Poland and Bucharest in Rumania, experiencing growing diversity
of population, have received less attention. In an effort to address this need, and to identify promising integration
practices for smaller cities, the Migration Policy Institute and the International Organization for Migration have partnered
to produce this paper. The initial section of the paper examines common roadblocks to integration in smaller cities, including
a limited supply of affordable housing, a scarcity of employment opportunities, and limited access to education and childcare.
The next section explores how these cities are meeting these challenges, largely by relying on mainstream services to promote
migrant inclusion, rather than carving out special programs for migrants, which carry the risk of political backlash. The
author observes that “a huge amount of innovation is happening in cities and towns outside of the limelight” and
he seeks to identify some lessons learned from this work. One lesson is to avoid treating immigrant integration as a niche
topic and instead to “make migrant inclusion a credible whole-of-community issue.” Another is to work out strong
partnerships with civil society organizations based on jointly-developed goals. And finally, the author stresses the importance
of involving immigrants in the planning process in meaningful, not just symbolic, ways.
The Rocky Road to a Mobile World after COVID-19,
Migration Policy Institute, May 2020, 3 pp.
In this short essay, Meghan Benton reflects on the short and long-term impact of the Coronavirus pandemic
on global migration. Noting that many forms of movement have effectively ground to a halt, she finds it unlikely that reopening
will occur in any kind of linear fashion. “Restarting mobility will not be like flicking a switch,” she writes.
While many countries have used border closures and quarantine rules as a way of controlling the spread of the virus, some
world leaders are using public health as an excuse to implement restrictions on migration that they favored before the pandemic.
As countries ease up on restrictions, they will have to decide where and how to prioritize. Should, for example, they turn
on the spigots for business and tourist travel, allow immigrants to reunify with relatives, prioritize humanitarian obligations,
or open doors for essential workers? If high levels of unemployment persist into the future, will restrictionist movements
gain greater strength and influence? And if that is the case, will the world see surging levels of clandestine movement across
borders as a result? Finally, she notes that the privileged people of the world, who have enjoyed the freedom to travel in
the past, now have a better understanding of how most of humanity lives, i.e. that “mobility is precious,” and
could be “increasingly constrained” for all.
World Migration Report 2020
International Organization for Migration, 2020, 477 pp.
Published on a biennial basis since the
year 2000, this is the 10th report published by the International Organization for Migration. The report is designed to “demystify”
the topic of migration and to build the evidence base for policy makers dealing with migration-related issues. Each
of the 10 chapters is devoted to a specific topic. The first chapter provides an overview of key trends in the field. The
authors estimate that there are 272 million international migrants globally (or 3.5 percent of the world’s population).
Other chapters cover topics such as: the regional dimensions of migration; health issues and migration; migrant contributions
in the sociocultural, civic, and economic realms; migration and social cohesion; the impact of environmental change on migration,
and developments in the global governance of migration. The report also includes a chapter on how to make sense of the “mountains”
of research on the topic of migration, and the relative merits of “white” literature (academic literature produced
behind a pay wall) and “grey” literature (research available in the public domain). The authors conclude
that “bridging the gaps that exist between policy, practice and research…can bring enormous dividends for all.”
(Nicholas V. Montalto, Ph.D.)
International Migration: Trends, Determinants, and Policy Effects
Population and Development Review, 45:4 (December 2019), 37 pp.
Authors: Hein De Haas et al
This article presents the main findings of the DEMIG (Determinants of International Migration) Project at the University
of Oxford funded by the European Research Council. The paper synthesizes insights from recent global data on the effectiveness
of migration policies. It investigates the complex links between governmental policies and migration trends to disentangle
policy effects from structural migration determinants. The analysis challenges two central assumptions underpinning the popular
idea that migration restrictions have failed to curb migration. First, post‐WWII global migration levels have not accelerated,
but remained relatively stable while most shifts in migration patterns have been directional. Second, post‐WWII migration
policies have generally become more liberal despite political rhetoric suggesting otherwise. While migration policies generally
accomplish their purpose, “substitution effects” can limit their effectiveness, or even make them counterproductive,
by geographically diverting migration to other destinations, interrupting circulation, encouraging unauthorized migration,
or prompting “now or never” migration surges. These effects expose fundamental policy dilemmas and highlight the
importance of understanding the economic, social, and political trends that shape migration in sometimes counterintuitive,
but powerful, ways that largely lie beyond the reach of migration policies. (Nicholas V. Montalto, Ph.D.)
Climate Change is Altering Migration Patterns Regionally and Globally
Center for American Progress, December 3, 2019, 5 pp.
Author: Jayla Lundstrom
this article, the author notes that, although there currently is no internationally agreed upon legal framework for protecting
climate migrants, the need to protect persons driven from their land due to climate change is urgent. There are two climate-related
phenomenon that will drive increasing numbers of people from their land: sudden-onset disasters — the hurricanes, forest
fires and floods being made more severe by climate change — and slow-onset disasters such as sea level rise and desertification.
In Central America, years of drought in the Western Highlands of Guatemala have increasingly made subsistence farming untenable,
and that has been one driver of the migration of Central Americans to the U.S. The author concludes by discussing legislation
now being considered in Congress that would direct the government to create a “Global Climate Resilience Strategy”
that would include collecting data on individuals displaced by climate change. Also needed is a return of U.S. leadership
on climate change, and development of policies that will address climate change, mitigate its impacts and protect those who
are affected by it. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Consulting)
As More Migrants from Africa and Asia Arrive in Latin America, Governments Seek Orderly and
Migration Policy Institute, October 22, 2019, 14 pp.
Author: Caitlyn Yates
small, the number of extra-continental immigrants from African and Asian countries arriving in Latin America seeking resettlement
in the United States and Canada has been steadily rising over the last 5 years. Extra-continental immigrants often travel
first to South American countries with lax visa requirements, including Ecuador, Brazil, and Guyana, with the eventual intention
of settling in the US or Canada. Many end up staying in South America due to challenges in the migration journey and increased
restrictions at the US border. In FY2018, for example, Mexico registered ten times as many apprehensions of African immigrants
(2,699) than the US (222). The reasons for extra-continental migration are largely due to natural disaster, economic
needs, and political violence. Traditionally Latin American countries have undertaken little immigration enforcement, with
rare deportations, but there are some signs that this trend is shifting. Ecuador, for example, added 11 new countries to its
visa requirement list in 2019, including those with the most prevalent extra-continental immigration figures. However, both
the cost of deportation and lack of repatriation agreements with African and Asian countries make removal less likely from
Latin America than Europe or the US. The author believes that the situation can be improved by addressing the root causes
of migration. Better coordination on immigration policies between nations is also necessary to address new arrivals in an
orderly, humane manner. Clarifying US immigration policy around asylum will also better assist Latin American countries in
forming their own policy response to arrivals from Africa and Asia. (Julianne Weis, Ph.D)
The Evolution of the Australian System for Selecting Economic Immigrants,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, May 2019, 25 pp.
Authors: Anna Boucher & Amy Davidson
Although Australia has often been heralded as a model for “merit-based” immigration systems, the country has
had to refine its model several times since its inception in the mid-1990s. The government made these changes in order to
ensure that immigrants were benefitting the overall Australian economy. These refinements offer lessons for other countries
like the United States considering similar approaches to immigrant selection. This report, prepared for the 19th plenary meeting
of the Transatlantic Council in Brussels, helped to inform the theme of the meeting, which was “Building Migration Systems
for a New Age of Economic Competitiveness.” Among lessons drawn from the Australian experience are the following:
first, criteria for selecting immigrants must be adjusted periodically over time to ensure that immigrants fill actual skill
gaps in the economy; second, selection procedures need to be reviewed and adjusted to prevent backlogs from developing; and
third, attention should be given to the recruitment of low- and semi-skilled workers, as well as high-skilled workers. Leaving
lower-skilled workers out of the selection system, the authors argue, creates the risk that certain sectors of the economy
could become unregulated and open to exploitation. Indeed, there is a tendency in Australia to use people on temporary visas
to fill these openings.
Global Migration Crisis,
Social Science Research Network, April 23, 2019, 4 pp.
Authors: Amnon Rubinstein & Liav Orgad
Building on data contained in a larger published study, this paper lists “ten reasons why international migration
is one of the greatest challenges of our time.” The first reason is based on numbers. Although the international migrant
population in 2017 is only 3.4 percent of the world’s population compared to 2.6 percent in 1960, it is seven times
higher in the developed regions than in the developing regions. A second reason is the changing character of migration. Whereas
a few decades ago, most migrants were “labor workers;” today more than 50 percent are family migrants, a population
more likely to develop lasting ties to their new homelands. Another reason relates to demographic trends in many Western countries,
where the total fertility rate has dropped below replacement levels and where aging populations will require continued migration
to bolster worker to retiree ratios in order to fund pension and health care costs for the elderly. The authors also
posit the existence of a “Western identity crisis,” involving the need to “cultivate a common ‘bond’
that goes beyond the global economy and political liberalism; a bond that is global and yet keeps a core that distinguishes
the ‘here’ from the ‘there.’” The authors assert that “we are witnessing an interesting
phenomenon in which states seek to protect their unique identity, but cannot clearly specify what it is.” The
authors also discuss what they perceive to be the excesses of multiculturalism, including affording protections to “anti-liberal
minorities” that seek to undermine the freedom and rights of others.
Migration as Decolonization,
71 Stanford Law Review (2019, Forthcoming), 78 pp.
Author: Tendayi Achiume
paper criticizes existing legal frameworks that allow nation-states to exclude so-called economic migrants on the basis that
they do not have the same claim for extra-national protection that refugees do. In fact, the author suggests, the historic
impacts of colonialism and the continuing existence of neo-colonialism have created such a degree of interdependence between
colonizing and colonized states that residents of colonized states have every legal right to consider themselves part of the
body politic and community of the colonizing nation-state. For this reason, “economic migrants” from Third World
countries have the same rights to mobility that their counterparts in First World countries have long enjoyed as a birthright.
In fact, the author notes, economic out-migration from Europe to colonized countries was key to those countries becoming economically
and politically subordinated. The author asserts that rather than expanding the class of migrants who deserve protection
due to their vulnerable sociopolitical or sociocultural status, the right to “economic” migration should be established
by the continued existence of unequal and exploitative relations between nation-states. The report acknowledges that this
decolonization at the individual level is not the only strategy that should be promoted, but it concludes that for now it
may in fact be easier to enact than full independence. The author also explains that this right to mobility does not
only pertain between a particular pair of countries related by colonization. Given that colonizing states benefitted from
an international system of colonization, the author suggests that residents of colonized countries have the right to migrate
to any country that was a part of that system. (Erik Jacobson, Montclair Sate University)
Breaking New Ground: Ten Ideas to Revamp Integration Policy in Europe,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), January 2019, 24 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton & Aliyyah Ahad
Written primarily for a European audience, this report is based on the deliberations of the Integration Futures Working
Group, which from 2016 to 2018 held a series of meetings to reexamine immigrant integration policy in European countries.
The Working Group questioned the prevailing view of immigrant integration as a two-way process in which immigrants and host
societies adjust to one another. Described in the report as defectively “linear” and “simplistic,”
this view was enshrined in the Common Basic Principles for Immigrant Integration Policy in the European Union, adopted in
2004. As European societies undergo rapid change and become more diverse culturally, linguistically, and economically, immigrant
integration becomes a “moving target,” where preconceived notions as to requirements and outcomes often fail to
achieve desired results. Instead, according to the authors, integration might be better understood as a “dynamic and
continuous process of creating links between multiple, complex moving parts” and as one facet of a society-wide process.
In an effort to break out of stale thinking on integration, the authors identify ten “toolbox” ideas to
guide policy-makers as they rethink the purpose and process of immigrant integration. Many of these ideas, such as supporting
workers to retool for changing labor markets and rethinking social protection systems to support workers in the gig economy,
are designed to benefit all workers, not just immigrants. Equally broad in application is the admonition to help all people
develop the skills they need to live in “superdiverse” societies.
Creativity amid Crisis: Legal Pathways for Venezuelan Migrants in Latin America,
Migration Policy Institute and Organization of American States, January 2019, 22 pp.
Selee et al
In the past three years, more than three million people have fled Venezuela due to a collapsing
economy, severe food and medical shortages, and political strife. Projections estimate that as many as 5.4 million Venezuelans
may move abroad by the end of 2019. Eighty percent of these migrants have settled in Latin America, primarily Colombia, Peru,
Ecuador, Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Panama and Mexico. Few immigration systems have been built to manage migration at this
scale and pace. “Creativity amid Crisis: Legal Pathways for Venezuelan Migrants in Latin America” explores how
neighboring countries have creatively responded to the crisis by facilitating entry and residence. Some countries use existing
visa categories to allow Venezuelans legal entry. Brazil, Colombia and Peru run temporary programs to regularize the status
of those already in the country. Only Mexico has granted refugee status to Venezuelan asylum cases. As asylum systems and
local resources become strained, some governments, such as Panama, Ecuador and Peru, have taken steps to limit future arrivals
by raising entry requirements. However, many Latin American governments foresee long-term advantages by offering legal status
to fleeing Venezuelans and continue to look for creative ways to economically and socially integrate new migrants -- setting
an example for governments around the world. The report notes that the Venezuelan crisis is an opportunity to update government
processes and strengthen public services so that they benefit both newcomers and long-term residents.
Balancing Acts: Policy Frameworks for Migrant Return and Reintegration
Migration Policy Institute, October 2018, 26 pp.
Authors: Kathleen Newland & Brian Salant
One of the most contentious practices in migration policy is the compulsory return of failed asylum seekers and other migrants
to their countries of origin. How countries, including the United States, return migrants can have major implications both
for local communities and for bilateral relations between countries, as destination and origin countries can be pursuing different
agendas. Balancing Acts: Policy Frameworks for Migrant Return and Reintegration examines the type of returnees (solicited,
voluntary, reluctant, pressured, obliged, forced) and the multiple policy frameworks involved (rule of law, humanitarian,
development, reintegration, security, political). The brief looks at the scale of compulsory returns and the types of reintegration
assistance available that can increase developmental benefits of large-scale returns and mitigate any deleterious affects
on communities of origin. The authors note challenges such as the narrow scope, short time frames and structural issues present
in current return practices. The international community addressed these challenges in the 2018 Global Compact for Migration:
a compromise between countries on returns, readmission and reintegration. The Compact details concrete steps receiving countries
can take to ease the burden on countries of origin. The brief stresses the importance of developing a system that is lawful,
respectful of human rights, sustainable for reintegration, politically feasible and supportive of development and security.
The authors explain that developing such a system requires communication, cooperation, compromise and flexibility among all
Shifting Tides: Radical-Right Populism and Immigration Policy in Europe and the United States,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, August, 2018, 33 pp.
Author: Martin A. Schain
by a professor of political science at New York University, this paper was commissioned to guide deliberations at the 18th
plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, held in Stockholm in November of 2017, and addressing the topic
of “The Future of Migration Policy In a Volatile Political Landscape.” The paper is divided into three main
sections: the reason for the upsurge in support for radical-right parties and platforms; their record of accomplishment; and
policy recommendations to blunt their impact and weaken their base of support. Key drivers of support for these parties have
been the economic crises arising from globalization and the shift to a service economy, the “unmooring” of voters
from traditional left and right parties, and anxieties surrounding growing diversity arising from immigration, although areas
with lower levels of migration seem to be greater hotbeds of populist support. The author suggests that immigration concerns
are more a symptom than a cause of the growth of these parties, that immigration was not always the inspiration behind the
formation of these parties, and that governments would be misguided to “steal their thunder” by embracing restrictive
and economically counter-productive immigration policies. Instead, he recommends the following strategies: first,
excluding populist radical-right parties from governing coalitions to “send a clear normative message” that their
ideas are unwelcome; encouraging the political mobilization of immigrant voters and their children; and most importantly,
“thinking creatively about how best to serve citizens who have benefitted the least from globalization and modern economic
transitions.” One example of a concrete step that could be taken would be to empower trade unions to have genuine
collective bargaining powers, especially in the newer and large unregulated sectors of the economy. “Ultimately,”
the author writes, “radical-right populism is not a pathology of a political system gone awry but rather a manifestation
of rapid and intense societal change, and a governance system that can appear out of touch and ineffective in addressing the
public’s genuine concerns.”
Does Migration Increase Happiness? It Depends,
Migration Policy Institute, June 21, 2018, 8 pp.
Author: Martijn Hendriks
article reviews available evidence from the social science literature on the effects of migration on the happiness of both
migrants and native-born residents in immigrant-receiving countries, with special attention to the 2018 World Happiness
Report published by the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network. Researchers define Happiness in two ways:
affectively using mood questions, and cognitively using questions to determine overall satisfaction with life. According to
the 2018 World Happiness Report, based on a Gallup survey of some 36,000 migrants from more than 150 countries, international
migrants worldwide evaluate the quality of their lives on average 9 percent higher after migration (based on a comparison
with those who stayed behind). However, there were wide variations in happiness levels based on countries of origin and destination:
for example, a gain of 29 percent for migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa moving to Europe, but negligible gains or negative
results for Latin American and Caribbean immigrants moving to North America or Europe. The authors also note that happiness
gains tend to level off the longer immigrants live in the destination country, perhaps because they “evaluate their
conditions in the host country through an increasingly critical lens.” Although the author notes that “the literature
on migrant happiness is in its infancy,” he asserts that current evidence “suggests that human migration contributes
to a happier world."
It's Relative: A Crosscountry Comparison of Family-Migration Policies and Flows,
Migration Policy Institute Issue Brief, April 2018, 22 pp.
Authors: Kate Hooper & Brian Salant
issue brief explores family migration policies and trends in nine OECD countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany,
Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The United States had the highest percentage of
family immigrants between 2012 and 2017, with nearly two-thirds of all grants of permanent residence occurring in family categories.
By way of contrast, family stream migration ranged between 27 percent and 29 percent in Australia, Canada, and the United
Kingdom, well behind grants for work, which ranged from 41 percent in the United Kingdom to 62 percent in Australia. The authors
point out, however, that these data omit family members who accompany migrants obtaining permanent residence through economic,
humanitarian and other categories. If these individuals were to be reclassified as family migrants, the picture would
look quite different. In Canada, for example, the adjusted figure for family migrants would rise to 66 percent while the economic
stream would fall to 28 percent. In the United States, the adjusted figures would be 81 percent family and 7 percent economic.
Across all countries studied, most family members are either spouses/partners or children. Most countries either
bar or cap other family members, e.g. parents or adult siblings, leading to long wait times. Canada, for example, with an
annual cap of 25,000, has a long waiting list for permanent resident visas for parents and grandparents. The authors conclude
that "Family migration is at the heart of many immigration systems," and that "balancing the principle of family
unity against other immigration priorities, is likely to remain a vexing and multifaceted policy challenge."
Connecting the Dots: Emerging Migration Trends and Policy Questions in North and Central America,
Migration Policy Institute, March 7, 2018, 13 pp.
Authors: Claudia Masferrer et al
of this paper take a sweeping look at the entire North American "migration corridor," inclusive of Canada, the United
States, Mexico, and the "Northern Triangle" countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. They note that patterns
of migration are much more complex and multi-directional than they were in the past, when south-north migration was the dominant
pattern. For example, approximately 1 million U.S.-born persons moved to Mexico during the 2010-2015 period, made up largely
of retirees and children of persons deported from the U.S. These children will have the right to reemigrate to the U.S. later
in life. Moreover, with a declining birth rate, Mexico is quickly becoming a country of immigration, not just emigration.
Pressures to migrate northward have lessened, and will continue to lessen, as a result of the "demographic convergence"
occurring in the entire region. By 2050, all six countries will have fertility rates below the replacement level required
to sustain population growth, alongside high life expectancy - implying population aging. As the elderly population increases,
there will be a growing need for elder care workers, but without the same supply of surplus workers that existed in the past.
The authors believe that policy makers are not engaged in "clear-headed thinking about how to leverage migration to address
Limiting the National Right to Exclude,
NYU School of Law Research Paper, February 21, 2018, 53 pp.
While recognizing the political challenges involved in convincing others of her point of view,
the author of this essay argues that climate change is creating a strong rationale to limit the state's right to exclude certain
people from crossing its borders and settling as immigrants. She sees an analogy with private property owners whose
right to exclude others from entering their property is circumscribed by the state. Indeed, there are many more restrictions
on the right of private property than on the prerogatives of the state. The courts, for example, have ruled that individuals
can legally "trespass" on someone else's land when in imminent danger; owners of public accommodations such as inns,
stores, or restaurants, are barred from discriminating based on race, religion or national origin; and states may expropriate
property through eminent domain to achieve a valid public purpose. Given the climate crisis slowly engulfing the world, including
the probable disappearance of several island nations, governments "might be better protected against threats to their
national security by creating more legal avenues of immigration" in order to "provide an orderly safety valve for
people to leave fragile states that lack the resources to adapt to climate change."
Moving Beyond "Root Causes:" The Complicated Relationship between Development and
Migration Policy Institute, January, 2018, 18 pp.
Authors: Susan Fratzke
& Brian Salant
As governments in developed countries attempt to stem the tide of illegal migration, they
are increasingly looking to target development aid to immigrant sending countries, on the assumption that improved economic
conditions in source countries will discourage people from migrating. This paper questions the validity of that assumption.
For one thing, increases in per capita GDP are generally associated with increases in outward migration, a phenomenon
often referred to as the "migration hump." In other words, migration might be more a byproduct of economic success
than economic failure, and at the individual level, members of wealthier households are more likely to move than those with
fewer financial resources. Another important factor in migration calculus is the existence of migratory networks, e.g. the
presence of friends and relatives in immigrant-receiving countries who can facilitate the resettlement process for newcomers.
According to the authors, "once emigration becomes an established practice in a community, it is likely to continue."
For these reasons, the authors suggest that it might be more effective to target development aid to achieve macroeconomic
change, rather than change at the individual or household level, and to search for ways to promote safe and legal migration
along established migration corridors.
Strengthening the Global Refugee Protection System: Recommendations for the Global Compact on
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 5:4 (2017), 19 pp.
This paper summarizes, and in part draws its policy recommendations from, a series of studies
that appeared in the Journal of Migration and Human Security in 2016 and 2017. These studies called attention to weaknesses
in the global refugee protection system and urged the development of new approaches to be incorporated into the Global Compact
on Refugees. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, after consultation with member nations and other stakeholders,
will propose the Compact in 2018. The author argues that refugee protection must be front and center in the document and that
interdiction and forcible return practices should be stopped. "The externalization of borders in the name of ‘border
cooperation' should be replaced with an emphasis on the externalization of protection." He further recommends that more
countries must participate in refugee resettlement efforts and that the global community should commit to resettling 10 percent
of the world's refugees by the year 2030 (The current percentage is less than 1 percent). Other recommendations include:
mechanisms to prevent large movements before they happen, such as the early deployment of peacekeeping forces when civil conflicts
develop; provisions to cover refugees from environmental disasters; protocols to follow for the voluntary repatriation of
refugees; and nondiscriminatory treatment of refugees. As one study argues, there needs to be a "paradigm shift"
that leads to a broader conception of refugee protection, as well as a global consensus as to how to achieve it.
World Migration Report 2018
International Organization for Migration, 2018, 347 pp.
Eds.: Marie McAuliffe & Martin Ruhs
report is the ninth in the World Migration Report series (the first one was issued in the year 2000). The series is intended
to give "space or traction" to fact-based analysis of migration at a time when "the prominence of migration
as a public policy issue and newsworthy topics has perhaps never been more pronounced." This edition of the report is
divided into two main parts: first, key information on migration and migrants, both globally and regionally, prepared by the
staff of IOM; and second, evidence-based analysis of complex and emerging issues in the field, prepared by outside experts.
Among these issues are: the development of global governance frameworks for international migration, the relationship
between migration and transnationalism, migrants' perspectives on migrant journeys, media reporting on migration, the relationship
between migration and violent extremism, and migrants and cities. The 2018 report also features an entire chapter devoted
to an analysis of research in the migration field, including forms of research ("white" and "grey"), research
producers (e.g. governments, intergovernmental organization, think tanks, and academics), the role of academic journals specializing
in migration, and metrics for measuring the impact of research. Reflecting the growing importance of migration as a public
policy issue, there are now about 200 think tanks, mostly in the U.S. and Europe, dedicated to producing research in this
Building Partnerships to respond to the Next Decade's Migration Challenges,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, December 2017, 26 pp.
Authors: Demetrios G. Papademetriou & Kate
The Transatlantic Council commissioned the research for this paper to inform deliberations at the 17th
plenary meeting of the Council in Oslo, Norway, in February of 2017. By partnerships, the Council is referring to the
efforts on the part of immigrant sending and receiving countries to work together, usually through formal arrangements, to
better manage migration flows. The authors note that many countries are moving away from unilateral approaches to migration
management, which often produce unintended and undesirable consequences, toward greater responsibility-sharing with neighboring
governments. Examples include the EU-Turkey Statement on curbing irregular maritime migration from Turkey to Greece
and the EU Migration Partnership Framework with several African countries of origin and transit. The report reviews the incentives
for and obstacles to effective partnerships and offers "five guiding principles" to strengthen these arrangements,
including ensuring that all parties derive real benefits from the deal and taking steps to address the underlying drivers
of migration. The authors also argue that "returns, whether of unauthorized economic migrants or failed asylum seekers,
are crucial to the credibility and effectiveness of any immigration system." To the extent that the commitment
to return is only rhetorical in nature, agreements will have little practical or lasting value.
Building a Mosaic: The Evolution of Canada's Approach to Immigrant Integration
Migration Policy Institute, November 1, 2017, 12 pp.
Author: Andrew Griffith
This report examines Canada's
long-standing commitment to immigration and diversity, reviews the country's evolving approach to immigrant integration, seeks
to explain the Canadian public's high level of support for immigration, and notes some old and emerging challenges. The structure
of Canada's immigration system, along with resources dedicated to post-arrival services, facilitates the integration of Canada's
newcomers. Integration considerations are built into the selection process, favoring skilled workers who can speak English
or French. Policies and programs that facilitate settlement, encourage citizenship, and promote multiculturalism facilitate
integration after arrival. Canada's commitment to multiculturalism, enshrined in law, aims to: "promote the recognition,
retention, and fostering of identities to facilitate integration;" overcome barriers to participation; promote interaction
between immigrants and receiving communities; and facilitate language acquisition. This model of integration has been largely
successful and has enjoyed high levels of support from the Canadian public. A new influx of asylum seekers crossing the border
from the U.S. may weaken that support. However, experts on Canadian immigration believe that the resilience of public support
for immigration, the association of immigration with economic growth, and the participation of new Canadians in the political
process, provide some degree of protection from populist waves sweeping the U.S. and Europe. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice
Engaging Communities in Refugee Reception: The Potential of Private Sponsorships in Europe
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), September 2017, 15 pp.
Author: Susan Fratzke
This policy brief
examines the range, nature and potential of private refugee sponsorship programs in Europe and Canada. Private
sponsorship involves the participation of voluntary community groups in the process of refugee resettlement and integration.
The paper begins with the identification of three different models of private sponsorship, varying in the degree of
government involvement in the resettlement process. The paper then looks at the major obstacles and roadblocks to successful
implementation of each model. Finally, the author offers a number of recommendations for policy makers interested in developing
such programs, including moving quickly to engage those who want to participate before their interest fades, providing the
right amount of coordination and oversight, and building strong working relationships among key actors. She further suggests
taking an incremental approach to program development, achieving clarity as to overall goals, and realistically assessing
Proposals for the Negotiation process on the United Nations Global Compact for Migration,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 5:3 (2017), 11 pp.
At the 2016 meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, the delegates passed a resolution calling
for the development of a Global Compact for Migration to be ready for adoption at an international conference on migration
to be held immediately before the United Nations General Assembly in September of 2018. The author of this paper, who previously
participated in UN-sponsored negotiations on migration, considers the Compact a “unique opportunity to address international
migration comprehensively and humanely” and “to set forth principles that can inform the actions of governments
in relation to international migration at all levels.” Noting that “economically drive international migration
is the only major issue on the international agenda that has not been fully addressed at the institutional level within the
United Nations (UN) system,” the author seeks to provide input to those who will take part in the negotiations of the
global compact for migration, scheduled to begin in February of 2018. Among the principles that should be reflected in the
document, according to Genina, are that “the human rights and fundamental freedoms of migrants, including women and
children, must be protected regardless of their migration status” and that “racism, xenophobia, discrimination
and intolerance towards migrants must be combatted.” He also urges an effort to achieve “institutional coherence,”
so that bi-national, sub-regional and regional agreements on migration are consistent with the Global Compact. In addition,
he calls for opportunities for civil society organizations, academic institutions, and the private sector to “participate
more substantively” in the preparation process for the Global Compact.
Transatlantic Trends: Immigration 2010,
In Search of Common Values Amid Large-Scale Immigrant Integration Pressures,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), June, 2017, 30 pp.
Banulescu-Bogdan & Meghan Benton
problem at the heart of this paper is how European states dealing with large-scale immigration attempt to define and enforce
some sort of shared values and norms while simultaneously respecting the cultural and religious rights of newcomers. The analysis
stresses the complex nature of the situation, as there are forces within host societies that remain welcoming to newcomers
and other that explicitly declare antipathy towards them. The authors identify two main ways governments attempt to
manage integration and maintenance of a sense of common values. The first are efforts to define and instill shared national
values (e.g., classes for newcomers), and the second is by restricting minority practices that appear to be in conflict with
those values (e.g., the wearing of the burqa). The authors believe that each approach is problematic. For example,
they suggest that efforts to promote “common” values that can be read as intended to change the behavior and beliefs
of just one segment of society can produce a backlash (e.g., such as women deciding to wear burqas only after they have been
banned as a means of protest). They also believe that restricting minority practices is often done for political expediency
rather than towards actually promoting integration. Their recommendations focus on a pragmatic approach, calling for
evidence-based decision making and ensuring that any calls for restrictions of practices are proportionate to actual harm
being produced. Though the report speaks in general terms about immigrant integration pressures, most of the examples it provides
draw on cases involving Muslim immigrants (Erik Jacobson, Montclair State University).
Weathering Crisis, Forging Ahead: Swedish Asylum and Integration Policy,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, June 2017, 31 pp.
Author: Susan Fratzke
Produced with the cooperation of the Swedish government, this report is based on interviews with local and national service
providers and policy officials in Sweden. The report chronicles changes in the Swedish asylum system, at the outset
the most welcoming in Europe, after the unprecedented influx of more than 160,000 asylum-seekers mostly from the Middle East
in the Fall of 2015 – the highest number per capita in the entire European Union. The surge in arrivals strained the
entire system, creating processing backlogs, exhausting the supply of temporary housing, and limiting access to support services.
As a result, the government undertook a broad overhaul of the entire system in October of 2015, designed to stem the flow
of new arrivals and enable local authorities to deal more expeditiously with those who had already arrived. Initially, border
checks were introduced on the Danish border, but were later dropped when Denmark did the same on its border with Germany.
At the same time, many asylum applicants were no longer granted permanent residence, but only temporary status pending a subsequent
review of conditions in their home country. Conversions to permanent residence could only occur if the applicant can prove
that he/she is self-supporting through employment. These policies have come in for criticism by service providers and immigrant
advocates who feel that they will interfere with the integration of newcomers into Swedish society.
International Migration Outlook 2017
OECD Publishing, 2017, 361 pp.
the OECD publishes this summary report on migration trends in all OECD member countries and selected non-member countries.
For the third year in a row, permanent migration flows into the OECD area have increased, reaching 5 million people in 2016
(a 7 percent increase over the previous year), well above the previous peak period, observed in 2007 before the economic crisis.
The report includes separate sections on each county, as well as chapters devoted to labor market outcomes and family reunification
issues throughout the OECD area. The report notes a slight improvement in employment rates from the previous year, with two
out of ever three immigrants working. However, migrants tend to be overrepresented in jobs involving routine tasks, exposing
them to the greater risk of lay-off as automation advances. The report finds that almost 40 percent of the total migrant inflow
is family-related, and that in many OECD countries, more than 10 percent of marriages occur between a citizen and a foreigner.
The report also provides information on asylum and refugee requests, including a chart showing the number of asylum applications
per million population.
Rebuilding after Crisis: Embedding Refugee Integration in Migration Management Systems,
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council
on Migration, March, 2017, 17 pp.
Authors: Demetrios G. Papademetriou,
Meghan Benton, & Natalie Banulescu-Bogdan
The destabilizing effects of the recent migration and refugee
crisis have given European and North American governments impetus to reform their migration management systems. This report
examines existing issues and potential steps that policymakers can take to achieve successful refugee integration in the coming
years while preserving the integrity of the system as a whole. As communities attempt to adjust to newcomers' differences
and public institutions are challenged to do effective outreach, local authorities are struggling to implement appropriate
policies and allocate resources for disadvantaged populations, including immigrants. The authors offer a comprehensive discussion
of the difficulties and tradeoffs of managing large-scale refugee flows, from acknowledging the interdependence of migration
and integration systems when balancing short-term humanitarian needs with long-term integration investments, to managing public
expectations of integration while promoting refugees as assets. The report also addresses the challenges of coordinating shared
responsibility for integration across multilevel governments and agencies, balancing timely labor market integration against
broader integration goals and job quality, and promoting policy innovation while weighing the risks of experimentation. To
improve refugee integration outcomes, the authors recommend policymakers coordinate integration and asylum policies for a
more coherent system, invest in promoting newcomer involvement to benefit whole communities, incentivize participation by
the private sector in hiring refugees, and engage all elements of society by promoting a positive and inclusive narrative
to build public trust. (Sarah Purdy for The ILC Public Education Institute)
New Approaches to Refugee Crises in the 21st Century: The Role of the International Community,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October 2016, 12 pp.
Author: Katherine Newland
the 15th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, this paper expresses
cautious optimism regarding the development of new and innovative solutions to the world refugee crisis. The author begins
by pointing out how the three, so-called "durable" solutions to refugee displacement (integration into countries
of first asylum, third county resettlement, and voluntary repatriation) appear to be inadequate to current need. In most years,
only 200,000 places are available for third country resettlement -- making only a small dent in easing the plight of the world's
21 million refugees. In addition, most countries of first asylum are reluctant to open their labor markets, and sometimes
even their educational systems, to refugees. And the number of refugees able to safely return to their home countries in 2015
reached the lowest point in more than 30 years. Newland points out, however, that the "extraordinary" number of
international meetings devoted to the subject of refugee protection in 2016, capped off by first United Nations Summit Meeting
in New York to address the needs of refugees and migrants, may be laying the groundwork for new and more effective approaches.
Previously sacrosanct silos, such as those for refugee resettlement and humanitarian assistance, are beginning to crumble.
Likewise, the possibility that refugees could become actors for development is also gaining traction. In addition, some countries
are experimenting with programs to give refugees the opportunity to work and study on a temporary basis. It is no longer tenable,
according to Newland, to allow "accidents of geography" to determine how refugees disperse in the world. Nor is
it acceptable to allow traffickers and criminal elements to take advantage of the present dire situation. If these nascent
efforts bear fruit, we may be successful in "bending the arc of the prevailing narrative about the world's displaced
people, from bearers of needs and risks to bearers of talents, skills, and energies from which all can benefit."
People on the Move: Global Migration's Impact and Opportunity (Executive Summary)
McKinsey Global Institute, December, 2016, 28 pp.
Authors: Jonathan Woetzel et al
Considered by some to
be the world's number-one private-sector think tank, the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) "combines the disciplines of
economics and management, employing the analytical tools of economics with the insights of business leaders." This report
on the significance of migration for the world economy finds that the world's 247 million cross-border migrants "contributed
roughly 6.7 trillion, or 9.4 percent, to global GDP in 2015 - some $3 trillion more than they would have produced in their
origin countries." Some 90 percent of this economic boost from migration occurred within just 25 destination countries,
including of course, the United States, which received a $2 trillion gain in GDP - the largest of all 25 countries.
Reviewing more than 40 studies on the impact of immigration on the wages and employment of native-born workers, the authors
find little evidence of adverse affects. The McKinsey report, however, finds "surprisingly little emphasis" in most
destination countries on "creating a pathway for new arrivals to become more fully integrated into their new homeland."
Suggesting that integration policy is a "critical complement to entry policy," the McKinsey study examines integration
in three dimensions: economic, social, and civic; identifies indicators for each of these dimensions; and using data from
the OECD, provides scores for each indicator for 18 different countries, including the U.S. The report notes that no country
performs well across all dimensions of integration. Finally, the report gives examples of promising interventions to support
Free Movement in South America: The Emergence of an Alternative Model?
Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, August 23, 2016, 7 pp.
Author: Diego Acosta
brief provides a short overview of the history of migration policy in South America, in terms of both regional and extra-regional
movement. It suggests that as South American states were developing in the post-independence period, they adopted free
movement policies that were a departure from other states' policies at the time. After a turn away from such free movement
during the time when many South American states were controlled by military dictatorships, the author suggests that there
is an emerging discourse that is supportive of free movement at regional and national levels. The author suggests that
three principles inform this discourse: support for open borders, the understanding of migration as a fundamental right, and
the noncriminalization of irregular migration. The brief outlines the nature of the discourse and the political realities
that either support or hinder the project of ensuring free movement. It highlights the multiple regional agreements already
in place that provide a structure for an expansion of free movement, along with the particular commitments of a number of
states already committed to the idea. On the other hand, the brief notes that some of the agreements that assert the
need for equal treatment of individuals who have moved from one state to another have no legal mechanisms to ensure that these
rights are respected. The author sees in South America's openness to free movement a hopeful contrast with trends in the Global
North towards more restrictive policies, but he notes the complicated nature of the project. (Erik
Jacobson, Montclair State University)
Integrating Refugees into Host Country Labor Markets: Challenges and Policy Options,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 46 pp.
Author: Maria Vincenza
Noting that refugees and asylum seekers among all newly arrived
migrants have the greatest difficulty finding and retaining work, particularly in the European context, this report suggests
ways that receiving societies can promote the goal of early employment. Prepared for the 2016 Plenary Meeting of the Transatlantic
Council, the report begins by analyzing how refugees have fared in host country labor markets. On average across 12 European
countries, 55 percent of refugees were employed in 2014, compared to 58 percent of family migrants, 73 percent of labor migrants,
and 83 percent of those who were employer sponsored. The authors then discuss the specific challenges facing refugees and
asylum seekers, including career interruptions and difficulties transferring human capital, transitional housing in locations
inaccessible to job markets, and difficulties obtaining authorization to work. The bulk of the report discusses specific policies
designed to promote early labor market integration, including pre-departure language or vocational training, early assessment
of skills and education, targeted skill recognition procedures to gain access to regulated labor markets, bridging programs
to overcome educational gaps, entrepreneurship programs, and "fast track" courses for refugees. The report
gives examples of promising practices in Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Germany, and Canada.
Protection through Mobility: Opening Labor and Study Migration Channels to Refugees,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 45 pp.
Authors: Katy Long &
Prepared for the 2016 meeting of the Transatlantic Council,
this paper discusses the advantages of, as well as the practical obstacles to, using regular migration channels to ease the
global refugee crisis. According to the authors, "the question this report...seeks to answer is not whether greater
refugee mobility is desirable, but how such mobility could work in concrete terms for the betterment of both refugee and host
communities." As most regular migration channels tend to favor skilled immigrants, such approaches will likely benefit
only a small fraction of the world's refugees, although Syrian refugees might benefit disproportionately due to their higher
educational attainment. If refugees are admitted as students or granted temporary work authorization, then agreements will
have to be reached with countries of first asylum to allow refugees' return if they violate the terms of their admission and
if conditions remain unstable in their home countries. Receiving countries may also have to waive administrative fees
and change documentation requirements to reflect the special circumstances of refugees. The report gives many examples of
initiatives around the world to introduce greater flexibility into regular migration programs in order to open up pathways
for refugees. The authors observe, however, that these types of arrangements should not be viewed as a panacea, but "as
an additional tool in the protection toolkit."
Tackling the Global Refugee Crisis: From Shirking to Sharing Responsibility
Amnesty International, 2016, 39 pp.
the outcome of the United Nations General Assembly's High-Level Meeting on Refugees and Migrants, held in New York in September
2016, Amnesty International finds that the session "collectively, and spectacularly, failed the 21 million refugees of
the world." If all, or most, countries were to take their fair share of refugees, then no one country would be
overwhelmed. As it is now, only 30 countries offer resettlement opportunities to refugees, and in the most recent year of
record, these countries provided only about 100,000 places, insufficient to meet the needs of the 1 million refugees deemed
by the United Nations to be the most vulnerable. The authors also point out that U.N. requests for humanitarian relief
for refugees in countries of first asylum have also fallen short. The Amnesty report provides a country-by-country survey
of the world refugee landscape, urges more countries to step up to the plate through the introduction of a "system that
uses relevant, objective criteria to show each state what their fair share looks like," and proposes meaningful steps
to alleviate pressure on countries of first asylum, often shouldering a burden well beyond their means and capacity.
In Challenge Lies Opportunity: How the World Must Respond to Refugees and Mass Migration,
The Elders, September, 2016, 20 pp.
Formed by Nelson Mandela, the
Elders are an independent group of world leaders who have come together to advance world peace and human rights. This report
reflects their concern for the plight of the growing number of people forced to leave their countries of origin, and their
alarm over "the rise of toxic narratives in the West and elsewhere surrounding refugees and migration." The Elders
see the mass movement of people "not so much as a short-term problem to be fixed but as a lasting reality that must be
properly managed." The report sets out four key principles that should underlie a coherent international response: better
coordinated response mechanisms to large flows of people; enhanced assistance to major refugee-hosting countries; increased
resettlement opportunities and additional pathways for refugees; and respect for human rights and protection. It is also important
for countries to "move beyond words and pledges to concrete actions and delivery."
New Models of International Agreement on Refugee Protection,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 16 pp.
Author: Susan F. Martin
Professor Emeritus in International Migration at Georgetown University, Susan F. Martin
directs her attention in this article to the challenges facing the world community in managing the displacement of people
from a variety of humanitarian crises around the world. Often, these are crises not covered in formal international treaties,
such as the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. She points out that an average of 26.4 million people were
displaced annually since 2008 by acute natural hazards, such as hurricanes, cyclones, tsunamis, earthquakes, epidemics and
pandemics. Others were displaced by environmental degradation, drought, famine, climate change, and situations of generalized
violence and political instability. Legal frameworks for protecting these people, Martin suggests, are "woefully inadequate."
While some have called for renegotiating the 1951 convention to cover these situations, or for the development of new international
treaties, there is little likelihood that such approaches would succeed. Rather, she sees promise in the effort to develop
standards and guidelines that could be embraced by nations on a voluntary basis. She reviews in detail the Nansen Initiative,
launched in 2011 with the goal of protecting people displaced across borders by natural disasters and the slow onset effects
of climate change. By 2015, the Initiative had produced the "Agenda for the Protection of Cross-Border displaced Persons
in the Context of Disasters and Climate Change," which was endorsed by 109 governmental delegations. Governments are
free to use the Agenda as a guiding document and to adopt those recommendations that are consistent with national law. Martin
concludes by listing reasons to be optimistic about this more pragmatic approach.
Prospects for Responsibility Sharing in the Refugee Context,
Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 14 pp.
As Assistant High Commissioner for Protection of the U.N. High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR), Volker Türk knows something about the challenges facing the international community in dealing
with the forcible displacement of 65.3 million people -- the worst refugee crisis since World War II. In this essay, he describes
the scope of the problem and outlines a set of "new or emerging approaches" that hold out promise for dealing with
the crisis in a meaningful way. One change he cautions against, however, is any attempt to revise the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention
because such an attempt "may inadvertently result in many of the hard-won advances in negotiating international refugee
protection being undermined." Instead, what is required is an agreement on the part of the world community to share responsibility
for addressing the needs of today's refugees, much as the world came together to resolve past refugee crises, such as those
in Hungary and Southeast Asia. This year's Secretary-General's report calls for a Global Compact on Responsibility Sharing
for Refugees, which Türk calls the "centerpiece of humanitarian action for future engagement in mass influx situations
as well as in situations of protracted displacement." Other approaches include the development of new pathways
for admission, such as student visas and scholarships, medical evacuation, and family reunification; an increase in cash-based
assistance to countries of first asylum to permit the integration of refugees into educational and social service systems;
and greater employment opportunities for refugees both in countries of first asylum and settlement.
Welcoming Cities and the Policy and Practice of Refugee and Immigrant Integration: A Transatlantic
American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Issue Brief, June, 2016, 8
Author: Susan Downs-Karkos
How are cities in Germany and the United States
responding to the challenge of building welcoming communities? What can local leaders in the U.S. learn from their counterparts
in Germany, and vice-versa? These are two of the questions addressed in this essay by Susan Downs-Karkos, Director of Strategic
Partnerships at Welcoming America. She also provides an overview of the Welcoming Communities Transatlantic Exchange, "a
first-of-its-kind opportunity for sharing ideas, approaches, and inspiration" among local welcoming community leaders
in the U.S. and Germany. The first exchange occurred in April 2016, when representatives from five German cities spent
nine days touring welcoming communities in Georgia, Idaho, Missouri, and Ohio. The next exchange will involve a delegation
from the United States visiting German cities in the fall. Welcoming America will also undertake a six-month study exploring
the "feasibility of establishing a Welcoming Germany city network to facilitate stronger connections among German cities..."
Improving Education for Migrant-Background Students: A Transatlantic Comparison of School Funding
Migration Policy Institute & The Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and
June, 2016, 43 pp.
Authors: Julie Sugarman, Simon Morris-Lange, & Margie McHugh
In order to overcome the disadvantages faced by migrant-background students, such as lack of native
language proficiency, limited or interrupted formal education, low socioeconomic status, and in some cases, the impact of
physical and psychological trauma endured in countries of origin, policy-makers in immigrant-receiving countries have devised
various supplemental school funding mechanisms. This report, funded by a grant from the German foundation Stiftung Mercator,
compares and contrasts supplemental funding mechanisms in four countries: Canada, France, Germany and the United States.
The report details the mechanics of school funding in each country. There are three main approaches: weighted formulas
that increase the amount of school aid for migrant-background students; categorical funding, i.e. separate funding
streams to meet the needs of these students; and reimbursement, where schools spend money on these students and then
get reimbursed according to predetermined rules. Each mechanism is the product of local circumstances and political traditions,
but certain overarching principles can be identified. First, policymakers need to clearly identify the disadvantage they seek
to remedy and the criteria they will use to determine whether progress is being made; second, they also need to manage the
tension between flexibility and accountability, i.e. rigid systems make it difficult to address local needs; third, governments
need to produce granular and relevant data, ideally at the level of student outcomes, to determine whether interventions have
been successful; and finally, funding mechanisms should be subject to periodic review to ensure that they are responding to
changing circumstances and new challenges.
What's So Special about Canada? Understanding the Resilience of Immigration and Multiculturalism,
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, June, 2016, 21 pp.
Author: Daniel Hiebert
This paper attempts to explain Canada's relatively
positive outlook towards immigrants and immigration, and teases out some elements of the Canadian approach that may be replicated
by other governments. Canada's consensus on immigration depends in part on viewing immigration through the lens of economic
and demographic interests rather than as a test of the integrity of the nation. The downside is that there has been less sympathy
for admissions for humanitarian reasons. Political consensus comes in part from the fact that 40 percent of voters are first-
or second-generation immigrants, and so appealing to these voters is in the interests of the major political parties. The
government involves a wide range of stakeholders in setting admission policy and implementing immigrant integration-including
provincial and local governments and the private sector. In 2014-2015, the government's integration services budget averaged
$4,000 per permanent resident. Some of the money was spent to prepare Canadian society for the newcomer population, and most
of these funds go to local governments and nonprofit agencies in Local Immigration Partnerships, whose core principle is to
foster "welcoming communities." Here are some lessons that might be drawn from the Canadian experience: first, the
issues of immigration and integration should never be part of the same narrative as national security; second, governments
should be more forthcoming about fertility decline in the native population, and how immigration might alleviate the consequent
problems of workforce and economic decline; third, bring more stakeholders into the immigration and integration policy and
implementation process, to spread a sense of ownership over immigration; fourth, communicate policy decisions clearly and
follow through in order to maintain the public's trust; fifth, demonstrate that the government is attentive to policy
outcomes, and when unintended outcomes arise, implement corrective action; and sixth, diversify immigration across categories
and source regions, so there is no one group around which resentments may coalesce. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger
Fatal Journeys: Identification and Tracing of Dead and Missing Migrants, Volume 2
International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2016, 108 pp.
Editors: Tara Brian &
The second in IOM's series of global reports on missing migrants,
this report provides an update on global trends in migrant fatalities since 2014 and examines the challenges facing families
and authorities seeking to identify and trace missing migrants. A record number of 5,400 migrants are estimated to have died
trying to cross borders in 2014, and an additional 3,100 lost their lives in the first five months of 2016. IOM estimates
that more than 20,000 migrants have died trying to reach their destination over the last 20 years. Noting that "tens
of thousands of families of missing migrants are living in limbo, not knowing the fate of their loved ones," the report
proposes a five-point plan of action, involving equal treatment, i.e. responses to migrant deaths should follow the same humanitarian
practices when loss of life occurs in commercial shipwrecks, air crashes, natural disasters, or other fatal accidents; standardization
of procedures for the identification of the dead; greater efforts to support families, assist their search for missing relatives,
provide them with information, and support them while they wait for definite news; development of international and regional
databases for both victims and family members searching for missing relatives; and a program of research to better assess
the scale of the problem, the challenges faced by local authorities, and the impact on families left behind.
The Global Feminization of Migration: Past, Present, and Future
Migration Policy Institute, June 1, 2016, 9 pp.
Authors: Katherine M. Donato & Donna
Despite a recent "flurry of scholarly attention"
to a phenomenon often called the "feminization of migration," the authors of this article argue that the global
migration of women and girls has a long history and that the "biggest shifts towards gender balance occurred before 1960"
-- although these changes went unnoticed by many scholars and policy makers. Part of the problem stems from some ambiguity
as to the meaning of the term, as well as a failure to recognize that gender variations exist across world regions and individual
countries. Often, no one explanation suffices for trends observed in the aggregate. In order to make greater sense of gender
factors in migration, the authors recommend a shift in terminology. To avoid placing undue emphasis on routine and predictable
variations in gender balance, the authors prefer terms such as "gender-balanced" (47 to 53 percent female), "female
predominant" (more than 53 percent female), and "heavily female" (more than 75 percent female).
No Way Out? Making Additional Migration Channels Work for Refugees,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, March, 2016, 40 pp.
Collett, Paul Clewett & Susan Fratzke
Asserting that "a displacement crisis of historic proportions
has enveloped the globe," the authors of this report, funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, propose
a series of policy initiatives beyond the traditional "durable solutions" of local integration, third country resettlement,
and repatriation. With nearly 20 million refugees in the world today, the old approaches are insufficient to cope with
the problem. In 2014, only 103,800 refugees were resettled in third countries and only 126,000 returned to their countries
of origin. Moreover, most countries of first asylum were unwilling to allow refugees to participate in local labor markets.
In addition to these traditional solutions, the authors explore the possibility of opening up existing labor, education, and
family migration pathways to refugees. Although "in theory" refugees are eligible to move through these pathways,
"in reality, pathways are often blocked by practical, technical, and political obstacles." Among possible strategies
to loosen up the system would be for governments to create exemptions to visa caps for refugee populations, expand the categories
of eligible family members beyond the nuclear family, or offer additional points to refugee applicants in points-based systems.
Another approach would be to allow refugees to pursue higher education opportunities in third countries. However, development
and humanitarian organizations would have to offer preparatory courses, either online or in person, in countries of first
asylum, so that refugees can fill gaps in their training and qualify to participate in these programs. Clearly, given the
scope of the crisis, governments need to "move the needle on refugee mobility" and begin to think outside the box.
The Germany-Turkey Migration Corridor: Refitting Policies for a Transnational Age,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, February, 2016, 24 pp.
Author: Yasar Aydin
Commissioned by the Council to inform deliberations at its
12th plenary meeting in Lisbon, this study traces the twists and turns of migration movements between Turkey and
Germany over the last 65 years and concludes with recommendations to better enable both countries to benefit from these movements.
Although the flow of migrants was primarily uni-directional for most of this period, i.e. from Turkey to Germany, it has become
"much more circular in recent years, with immigration from Germany to Turkey now outpacing flows in the opposite direction."
Improvements in the Turkish economy, along with structural reforms to facilitate the return of Turks living in Germany, have
combined to encourage both members of the Turkish diaspora, and other Germans, including retirees, to settle in Turkey. At
the same time, with the exception of Turkish students, who enroll in Germany universities in substantial numbers, new migration
from Turkey to Germany has slowed to a trickle, with most new migrants being skilled professionals. The author believes that
the increased circularity of movement between the two countries should not be seen as a threat to either country, nor as a
sign of a failed integration policy. "Increased circulation can aid integration attempts in both countries, encourage
bilateral cooperation in a variety of fields, and help stem skills shortages in both countries' workforces."
Emigration Trends and Policies in China: Movement of the Wealthy and Highly Skilled
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration,February 2016, 23 pp.
Commissioned by the Council for its 12th plenary meeting
in Lisbon, this study examines emigration trends from China since the introduction of market-oriented reforms in the 1970s.
Although China supplied 4 percent of the world's migrants in 2013, its share is disproportionately small considering that
the Chinese make up 20 percent of the world's population. Before 1949, Chinese emigrants were primarily low-skilled or unskilled;
today, wealthy and highly-skilled migrants tend to predominate. Indeed, high-skilled migration is rising fast, while low-skilled
is largely stagnant. For example in 2014, Chinese nationals received 85 percent of all immigrant investor (EB-5) visas in
the United States. Similarly, in Australia, Chinese nationals received 87 percent of all Significant Investor Visas between
2012 and 2015. These numbers will likely hold steady, if not increase, in the future, as polling suggests that many wealthy
Chinese are seeking to leave the country, in part to escape high levels of pollution, a legal climate not conducive to entrepreneurship,
and fears about long-term political and social stability. The number of students going abroad to study is also skyrocketing.
China is the largest source country of foreign students in the U.S., making up 31 percent of all such students. Most of these
students cover their own expenses, rather than relying on scholarship support, making them an important income stream for
American universities. The report also discusses the impediments to unskilled emigration. Despite comprising 25 percent of
the world labor force, China contributed only 1 percent of unskilled international labor migration in the 2010s. "Increasingly
detailed government regulations have slowed down the recruitment process, while driving up costs for migrants as more and
more actors become involved."
Europe's Migration Crisis in Context: Why Now and What Next?
Migration Policy Institute, September 24, 2015, 8 pp.
Authors: Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan
& Susan Fratzke
This article provides an overview of the refugee protection
crisis facing Europe - a crisis that, according to the author, may well persist into the foreseeable future and become the
"new normal." The authors suggest that old approaches are inadequate for dealing with the present reality. The current
refugee resettlement system offers resettlement opportunities to roughly 105,000 -- less than 1 percent of all refugees displaced
globally (2014 data). As almost half of the world's refugees have been displaced for five years or more, a "care and
maintenance" approach has led to the "warehousing" of refugees. Many of these refugees in countries of first
asylum, including Syrians in Jordan and Lebanon, are barred from working and sending their children to school and endure conditions
of extreme poverty. Moreover, donations from the international community have not kept pace with the scale of the relief needs,
leading to a cut in food rations for refugees. In addition to these "push" factors, the use of social media, facilitating
communication along migratory routes, coupled with policy pronouncements by European governments, have created enabling (or
pull) factors encouraging migration to Europe. The authors suggest that Europe needs to think about migration challenges in
a much more "comprehensive" manner. "Giving in to the impulses to erect bigger fences without concomitantly
dealing with the root causes of these movements will only serve to deepen the pockets of smugglers, not reduce the flows themselves."
Rethinking Emigration: Turning Challenges into Opportunities: Council Statement
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, November, 2015, 17 pp.
Author: Demetrios G. Papademetriou
The author wrote this paper in preparation for the 12th plenary
meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration held in Lisbon in 2015 and devoted to the theme: "Rethinking Emigration:
A Lost Generation or a New Era of Mobility." The paper focuses on the phenomenon of "brain drain" in
the European context, i.e. the growing numbers of educated Europeans from economically distressed countries like Greece, Ireland,
and Italy who are migrating to other parts of the European Union and overseas. Previously dynamic countries that had attracted
immigrants are now reverting to their traditional roles as countries of emigration. The loss of this educated cohort can deal
a serious blow to the struggling economies of these countries. However, the scale of the problem needs to be kept in perspective.
Only 2.8 percent of E.U. citizens reside in a different country from their country of citizenship, compared to 5.6 percent
of U.S. residents who live in a different state than they did five years earlier. Many educated Europeans go abroad for temporary
periods and may return home to raise families. Nonetheless, the paper contains suggestions as to how governments can take
advantage of their "diasporas" in other countries. First and foremost, they should be treated as "extensions"
of the "national talent and expertise pool" and "engagement" should be the responsibility of specific
departments of national governments. Engagement strategies might include: "(1) granting political and legal rights (such
as dual nationality and property rights) to keep nationals invested in their country of origin and to potentially facilitate
their return; (2) setting the stage for diaspora members to use their talents and resources to create or facilitate economic
opportunities in their homelands; and (3) motivating engagement by creating and nurturing emotional links."
World Migration Report 2015: Migrants and Cities, New Partnerships to Manage Mobility,
International Organization for Migration, 2015, 202 pp.
report focuses on the intersection of migration and urbanization. The authors observe that researchers and policy makers working
in the areas of urban planning and sustainable development often overlook migration. "There is a glaring absence of the
mention of migrants," they note, in United Nations planning for the 2016 Habitat III conference in 2016 devoted to the
development of a new global urban agenda. Yet, migration, both internal and international, is a major driving force behind
the movement of people to cities. The current world urban population of 3.9 billion (54 percent of humanity) is expected to
grow to 6.4 billion by 2050, making urbanization "the dominant challenge of the twenty-first century." If cities
are to manage this growth, and reap the benefits of migration-induced diversity, they must integrate and invest in their migrant
communities. The report examines the various urban settings impacted by migration, the vulnerabilities faced by migrants,
and how urbanization and new mobility patterns can contribute to urban revitalization and poverty reduction.
Beyond Asylum: Rethinking Protection Policies to Meet Sharply Escalating Needs,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, 14 pp.
Author: Demetrios G. Papademetriou
This "statement" on refugee and asylum policy was produced by the 13th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic
Council on Migration held in Brussels in December of 2014. The document argues that the global refugee protection system
has failed to meet the needs of not only the soaring number of refugees in the world, but also the communities providing protection.
In 2013, 86 percent of the global refugee population resided in developing countries - countries which bear the brunt of this
massive displacement of population. The Council calls for the creation of a "comprehensive protection strategy,"
predicated on the importance of early intervention and an "all-of-government approach," involving the coordination
of ministries in the humanitarian, development, security, and migration sectors. "Governments far from the frontlines
of a crisis will need to come to terms with the idea that intervention is most effective early on - before chaos has erupted
- or risk missing opportunities to lower the long-term costs of a crisis." The statement envisions the mobilization of
existing development resources to aid refugee populations, as well as the "tweaking" of migration policies to allow
more refugees to use student and temporary worker mechanisms to migrate legally to more advanced countries. Other prescriptions
include greater involvement on the part of middle-income countries, and more effective public information policies in western
countries to ensure continued public support of refugee protection efforts. In order to avoid "protection fatigue,"
national governments and international actors must find ways to "break the current cycle of instability, conflict, and
Immigration's Enigma Principle: Protection and Paradox,
Keynote Address, Academic & Policy Symposium, Center for Migration Studies,
October 28, 2015, 6 pp.
Author: David A. Martin
In reflecting on the chaotic refugee situation in Europe
and the disarray it has caused among members states of the European Union, David A. Martin, Distinguished Professor of International
Law at the University of Virginia and former General Counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the Clinton
Administration, puts forward the concept of the "enigma principle" as a guide to policy development in the field
of refugee protection. The principle is borrowed from the movie "The Imitation Game," which told the story
of Alan Turing and his team of British code-breakers during World War II. Once they cracked the Nazi code, they had to make
agonizing decisions about when to intervene to stop an attack. If they acted too swiftly, they would alert the Germans that
their communication system had been breached. The decryption had "to be used strategically and selectively, in order
to preserve its long-term potential" to save lives. What does this principle have to do with refugee protection? Martin
believes that "protection must observe limits, sometimes painful and counterintuitive limits, in order to maximize protection
strategically." Third country resettlement cannot be implemented "for all who might have a just claim,"
especially given the level of displacement in the world today. His position "is a product of realism about the
strains that migration, especially high-volume migration or sudden influxes, can bring to a society, about the material capacities
of receiving states, and, most importantly, about preservation of the political space needed
to minimize backlash and keep a healthy level of relocational opportunity alive."
How the World Views Migration,
International Organization for Migration, 2015, 59 pp.
Authors: Neli Esipova
Based on Gallup interviews with over 183,000 adults in more than 140 countries, this report represents
"the first steps toward understanding the lenses through which people view immigration at a global level." The researchers
asked two questions: "in your view, should immigration in this country be kept at its present level, increased or decreased?"
and "do you think immigrants mostly take jobs that citizens in this country do not want (e.g. low-paying or not prestigious
jobs), or mostly take jobs that citizens in this country want?" With the important exception of Europe, people in every
region of the world are more likely to want immigration levels to either stay the same or increase. In the case of Europe,
there is a sharp difference of opinion between people in Northern and Southern Europe. "The majority of adults in Northern
European countries - except for those in the United Kingdom - would like immigration levels to either stay the same or increase,
while most residents in Southern European countries would prefer to have lower levels of immigration..." People with
university degrees and younger people throughout all regions tend to be more positive about immigration. With regard to the
second question seeking opinions on the prevalence of job competition, the way people answer the first question tends to be
predictive as to how they answer the second.
Rethinking Global Protection: New Channels, New Tools
Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, April, 2015, 12 pp.
Author: Kathleen Newland
Noting that the international system for the protection of refugees is under unprecedented
strain, with the numbers of displaced people at highs unseen since World War II, the author reviews the reasons for the current
crisis and describes two new approaches with the potential to reform and reinvigorate the current protection regime. One involves
integrating development programming with the traditional "care-and-maintenance models of protection." An example
is a recent decision by the European Union to provide a 180 million euro developmental aid package for Syrians displaced by
war. Another approach, which is only in the planning stages, would open channels of regular mobility to refugees, including
labor migration, family reunification with relatives already resettled elsewhere, and international study programs. Efforts
to help displace people obtain travel documents and security clearances would expedite their participation in such programs.
The author notes that the Refugee Convention makes no reference to humanitarian assistance to refugees, yet that has become
the "default response to refugee crises." As humanitarian assistance inevitably falls short and offers little hope
of a long-term solution, these types of new tools and approaches should be considered. This research was commissioned for
the 2014 plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council, which was devoted to theme of" Refitting the Global Protection
System to Meet the Challenges of Modern Crises."
Korea should face its demographic crisis head on
Brookings, June 18, 2015, 7 pp.
Author: Katharine H.S. Moon
This short paper discusses the implications of South Korea's extremely low birth rate of 1.19 children per woman
-- one of the lowest fertility rates in the world. A recent government survey revealed that fewer than 50 percent of
female respondents felt that marriage was something they should do in life. In this context, immigration becomes crucial to
sustaining the Korean labor force, continuing the country's economic growth, and maintaining the strength of the Korean
military. Changes are already apparent in Korean society. "The face of the homogeneous South Korea we once knew is literally
changing before our eyes as hundreds of thousands of foreign-born women marry Korean men." These women tend to be from
the three Asian countries of China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Korean society is changing to accommodate this diversity.
No longer do most Koreans believe that a "Korean bloodline" is essential to being Korean, and school authorities
are revising textbooks to showcase the increasing heterogeneity of Korean society.
Into the Mainstream: Rethinking Public Services for Diverse and Mobile Populations,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, June, 2015, 41 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton,
Helen McCarthy, & Elizabeth Collett
According to the authors, this report represents "the first systematic
attempt to analyse how mainstreaming was being developed at the local level, and specifically how its principles (such as
whole-of-government cooperation, local flexibility, or diversity awareness) were being applied." Synthesizing findings
from UPSTREAM, a five-country European project to assess how governments at all levels were responding to the immigrant integration
challenge and whether their efforts represent a trend toward "mainstreaming," the report explores six areas of activity:
educating immigrant children, addressing inequalities in accessing publicly funded services, building cohesive communities,
improving funding flexibility at the local level, designing "whole-of-government" approaches, and using data to
promote integration outcomes. The report describes the "essence" of "mainstreaming" as "a shift
away from stand-alone policies that target newcomers toward a whole-of-government approach to diversity across the society
at large." The authors point out, however, that mainstreaming can have both positive and negative outcomes -- positive
if it brings about greater coordination across government to address the needs of immigrants and other groups, or negative
if it becomes "an excuse for retrenchment and inaction." The report concludes with a series of recommendations to
"ensure that services are attuned to the needs of diverse groups and new arrivals," a process that the authors describe
as "diversity- and mobility-proofing public services." Among the recommendations are the following: set up
structures for horizontal coordination across governmental departments, rebrand mainstreaming as "adapting services to
diverse and mobile populations," and rigorously audit and evaluate services to ensure that targeted groups are being
The Return of Banishment: Do the New Denationalization Policies Weaken Citizenship,
European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship (EUDO)
Audrey Macklin et al
Through its Citizenship Forum, EUDO encourages "open debates based on evidence and
knowledge, and conducted in a spirit of mutual respect." A scholar expert in a particular area initiates each debate.
For this debate on the subject of legislation passed in several countries, including the UK and Canada, permitting the revocation
of citizenship for individuals involved in terrorist activities abroad, the kickoff contribution is by Audrey Macklin of the
University of Toronto. She argues that such laws are unwise because they fail to accomplish any worthwhile purpose.
Of the 13 respondents, four are affiliated with American universities or law schools: Linda Bosniak (Rutgers), Peter
Spiro (Temple), Peter H. Schuck (Yale), and Daniel Kanstroom (Boston College). Describing such laws as "security-related
theater," Spiro agrees with Macklin. Schuck, on the other hand, can envision circumstances when denationalization may
be justified, especially when there are proper safeguards against government abuse of this power. Kanstroom agrees with Macklin's
conclusion, but not how she arrives at it. He would ground the argument against denationalization in a human rights framework;
this type of law, he contends, is symptomatic of a broader effort by governments to deny people basic human rights through
exclusion and deportation. Bosniak draws lessons from the debate surrounding the assassination of U.S. citizen Anwar al-Awlaki.
She observes that although citizenship status is more secure in the U.S. than elsewhere in the world, the willingness of the
government to resort to assassination as a "technique for permanent elimination" makes the discussion about citizenship
Destination China: The Country Adjusts to its New Migration Reality,
Migration Policy Institute, March 4, 2015, 6 pp.
Author: Heidi Østbø
Although immigrants remains a small fraction of China's overall population (594,000 out of a total population
of 1.35 billion), the number has been steadily rising, according to this report, spurred in part by a "relatively lenient"
visa policy dating back to the 1985 Law of Administration of Entrance and Exit of Foreigners. After an 8-year process of review,
China adopted a comprehensive new law to govern immigration in 2012, designed in part to combat illegal entry and residence.
The new law mirrors legislation in the West, which seeks to encourage high-skilled immigrants while discouraging low-skilled.
Specifically, the new law makes it easier for overseas Chinese to take up residence in China and introduces a new visa category
to attract more skilled foreigners without prior ties to China. The article also describes the plight of irregular migrants,
particularly Africans, who are often at the mercy of local authorities who can act harshly or leniently in a system characterized
by a "de facto decentralization of immigration law enforcement." Many immigrants are in a catch-22
situation, unable to regularize their status and unable to leave the country, because of the jail time and heavy fines imposed
under the law.
Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe: What Role for Origin Countries' Subnational Authorities?
Migration Policy Institute Europe, February, 2015, 27 pp.
Bilgili & Llire Agimi
it's not often that policymakers in immigrant receiving countries examine the role
of sending countries, particularly regional authorities and cities within those countries, in helping to integrate immigrants.
This report, based on an examination of the literature and interviews with key officials, seeks to unravel the connection.
As such, it is "the first attempt to investigate how the activities of origin countries regional and local institutions
may improve the lives of emigrants to member states of the European Union (EU)." The report is a work product of
the INTERACT project funded by the European Union -- described as "the first comprehensive attempt to explore the role
of origin countries in the integration of migrants in destination countries." The report notes that many immigrant-origin
countries (including Morocco, Turkey, and Mexico) now operate on the assumption that well-integrated immigrants have more
to offer their countries of origin than immigrants who are not. However, the activities on the national level often
overshadow initiatives on the regional and local level. One example of the latter are the city-to-city exchanges that help
create a climate of acceptance for immigrants in their new societies. The report also gives examples of local initiatives
in the area of health and employment. The researchers conclude with a summary of the challenges involved in promoting greater
local-to-local cooperation, Including constraints in origin countries, such as a lack of resources on the local level to engage
in these kinds of activities, and constraints in destination countries, including the eclipse of the multicultural model and
concerns over human rights violations in origin countries.
Aiming Higher: Policies to Get Immigrants into Middle-Skilled Work in Europe,
Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Organization, November,
2014, 34 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton et al
This report summarizes some of the key findings and lessons learned
from a 6-country study of efforts to promote the labor market integration of immigrants in Europe. In general, the report
finds little cause for optimism; immigrant unemployment and underemployment have been "intractable" problems in
most countries. Few programs look at the progression of immigrants in the labor market, as opposed to their need for entry
level work. Efforts to mainstream immigrant integration by using the resources of public employment services have not yet
produced favorable results, in part because staff members are not trained to deliver services to the immigrant population
and few staff members specialize in this area. The report offers a series of recommendations for policymakers, including improving
the incentives and training for public employment agencies to address immigrant integration issues; funding partnerships between
employers and training institutions to support apprenticeships and work experience programs; improving the coordination of
policies and information sharing among all agencies and levels of government with responsibility for integration outcomes;
and more effective evaluation of integration programs, e.g. looking at their impacts over the long-term. The authors also
encourage investments in distance learning in order to reach immigrants who are already working, albeit in entry level work,
and to minimize costs in a time of fiscal austerity.
International Migration Outlook 2014,
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), December, 2014,
Prepared for the OECD's 2014 High-level Policy Forum on Migration, this publication is the 38th
in a series of annual OECD publications on global migration. Immigrants now make up 10 percent of the population, or
115 million people , in the 34 OECD countries. The publication includes reports for each of these countries detailing major
policy changes and developments during the previous year. The publication also includes an essay on how member states are
facilitating the labor market integration of immigrants, with particular attention to skilled immigrants, who constitute a
growing percentage of all immigrants in the OECD space. Another essay discusses how member states are trying to calibrate
labor migration to spur economic development. Finally, a summary essay looks at migration trends across all OECD member states.
Migration rebounded in 2013 showing an average increase of 1 percent with significant variations from country to country.
The authors note that Germany has now become the 2nd most important destination for immigrants (up from 9th
place in 2009), whereas the intake of immigrants in the U.S. shrank by 4 percent in 2013 compared to the previous year.
Comprehensive Immigration Reform(s): Immigration Regulation Beyond Our Borders,
Yale Journal of International Law, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2013 University of Iowa Legal
Studies Research paper No. 14-17, 86 pp.
Author: Stella Burch Elias
How should responsibilities for immigration
be divided between federal, state, and local governments? This is the question that the author of this study seeks to answer
through an examination of the experience of three other countries with federal systems: Australia, Canada, and Germany.
Despite the Supreme Court's 2012 ruling in Arizona v United States reasserting the federal government's supremacy
in the immigration arena, the author argues that inclusionary policy-making on the state and local level will
likely increase, as exclusionary policies fade. Noting that there has been a "gap in scholarship" on the
"interjurisdictional" nature of immigration policy-making, she attempts to fill this gap by examining the "rich
points of comparison" in the evolution of other federal systems grappling with high levels of immigration. Although it
is "too soon to regard any system as a paradigmatic, well-established, and successful alternative to the current American
model," the three countries "appear to be approaching some degree of convergence and consensus" in their willingness
to engage state and local partners in immigration policy-making. There are three main conclusion to the study: first, that
states could play a more active and meaningful role in the initial selection of immigrants; second, "the power to inquire
into immigration status should be exercised sparingly and, where possible, should only be attempted under the direct supervision
of federal immigration officers;" and third, the kinds of immigrant integration plans that have been implemented in the
three countries are worthy of study in the U.S., even if the U.S. federal government lacks the power under the 10th
Amendment to impose such a plan on the states.
No Quick Fix: Policies to Support the Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Sweden,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI) and International Labour Office, September, 2014, 22
Author: Henrik Emilsson
Produced with financial support from the European
Union, this report is part of a project undertaken by MPI and the International Labour Office called "The Labor Market
Integration of New Arrivals in Europe." Despite major policy reforms in Sweden designed to address persistently high
unemployment rates among immigrants, the author observes that Sweden has "not yet broken the back of this considerable
challenge." The problem is especially severe among non-European migrants and those who were admitted to Sweden
as humanitarian migrants. On the demand side of the labor market, employers are reluctant to hire newcomers because of high
minimum wages, strong job protection legislation, and "large tax wedges" (the difference between workers' take-home
pay and what it costs to employ them). The author reviews the various reforms that have been put in place since 2006 to address
the problem, including moving responsibility for Sweden's immigrant "introduction" program to the public employment
service (PES), offering bonuses to immigrants who complete the introduction program quickly, the development of a new training
course called Shortcut for higher skilled immigrants, providing subsidized work experiences (subsidies of 80 percent
of employer wage costs are available for a maximum of two years), and offering Swedish courses for professionals in particular
occupational areas. The author, however, is dubious that these measures will prove effective. "Despite increased government
spending, improved access to labor market services, and a willingness to try innovative measures, outcomes have not improved...
Changing immigration policy - or perhaps, completely redesigning the basic structure of the welfare state - might be the only
way to significantly improve outcomes."
Building Inclusive Cities: Challenges in the Multilevel Governance of Immigrant Integration
Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, September, 2014,
Author: Dirk Gebhardt
This paper examines the level of coordination between EU national and
local governments on immigrant integration policy and practice. The author notes that cities and national governments often
pursue conflicting objectives. As city administrations are more sensitive to the needs of immigrants and to the importance
of social cohesion, they tend to pursue "soft" inclusion policies that aim to empower immigrants and provide them
with the civic, social, language, and economic skills to contribute to the community. This approach often collides with
the "hard" approach of national governments that may limit the rights of particular categories of immigrants. Some
national governments, particularly in the Nordic countries, have pursued active and successful partnerships with local governments,
but most have not. The paper describes a range of innovative programs that have been developed in European cities to promote
immigrant integration. These programs are grouped into four categories: adapting local institutions to better reflect the
diversity in the community, combatting discrimination, adapting local employment services, and addressing the negative effects
of segregation. The author concludes with three overarching recommendations: improve policy coordination between national
and local governments in areas of shared competence, ensure that integration programming is rigorously evaluated at all levels,
and utilize EU frameworks and funding to support "vertical" coordination as well as "horizontal" coordination.
Advancing Outcomes for All Minorities: Experiences of Mainstreaming Immigrant Integration Policy
in the United Kingdom,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), July, 2014, 27 pp.
Author: Sundas Ali &
This is one of four country reports by MPI on efforts to "mainstream" immigrant integration
in the European Union (the other reports cover Denmark, France, and Germany). Despite its large immigrant population (13 percent
of the UK's population in 2011 was foreign-born), the UK has generally pursued integration goals under the label of "minority"
policy, with a strong emphasis on antidiscrimination and race relations. Important pieces of legislation were the 1976
Race Relations Act, which protects people from discrimination based on national origin. A follow-up law in 2000 (Race
Relations Amendment Act) obligated local authorities to promote equality of opportunity and amicable relations between
people of different racial backgrounds. As the UK traditionally grants considerable authority to regional and local governments,
much of the report discusses sub-national initiatives to promote integration through broader programs, such as social cohesion,
education, youth, and general diversity programs
Future EU Policy Development on Immigration and Asylum: Understanding the Challenge,
Migration Policy Institute Europe, May, 2014, 11 pp.
Author: Elizabeth Collett
Despite unstable times, the European Union is developing the next phase of its immigration policy. This brief
reviews the situation since the 1999 Tampere Programme, the first attempt to develop a policy framework and common language
on immigration for Member States. Due to the global economic downturn, the Arab Spring, the Lisbon Treaty, and changing national
concerns, the Stockholm Programme (2010-14) has been less effective than its forerunners. More effort has been spent reviewing
existing legislation than developing new frameworks and regulatory consensus. Furthermore, the global economic crisis has
created a level of instability that has reduced cooperation on immigration-related matters . Moreover, the Arab Spring exodus
prompted discussion of reintroducing internal borders, which overshadowed collaborative migration policy, and anti-immigration
parties increased their share of the electorate in several countries. This MPI brief is the first of three that will be released
to guide policy development on immigration post-Stockholm. According to the author, future policy development requires looking
10-15 years ahead to examine needs, develop a collective vision of success, and devise benchmarks to measure success
in the short-term. New policy must have inherent value for governments, achieve goals that require partnerships to accomplish,
and demonstrate value for the people of all member states. (Colin Liebtag)
Moving Up or Standing Still? Access to Middle-Skilled Work for Newly Arrived Migrants in the
Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Office, July, 2014, 25 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton, Susan Fratzke, & Madeleine Sumption
This summary report marks the completion of
a series of six case studies on integration outcomes for immigrants in six E.U. countries: the Czech Republic, France, Germany,
Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The project seeks to identify the conditions enabling immigrants to obtain employment
upon arrival and to progress from lower-skilled work to middle-skilled jobs. Among factors that seem to be associated
with employment and that are analyzed in the report are: education levels; visa category at entry, e.g. employment,
refugee, family reunification; and source countries, e.g. E.U. vs non-E.U. In some countries (Czech Republic, Spain,
and the U.K.), initial employment rates were high; in other countries, employment rates were lower but improved over time.
While most immigrants eventually find employment, the path to better-paying jobs seems to be blocked. The "brain
waste" problem is especially noticeable for the many well-educated immigrants that these countries have attracted over
the last decade. "In every country, immigrant remained more likely than the workforce on average to be in low-skilled
work after several years, even after education levels were taken into account." The case study findings raise several
questions for policy makers in Europe, including whether current integration services for new arrivals are working, whether
and how to provide "a second chance to acquire skills," whether pathways can be created from low-skilled to middle-
or high-skilled employment, how to adjust admission policy to ensure better employment outcomes, and how to respond
to the diversity in background and skill levels of the immigrant population.
Moving Up the Ladder? Labor Market Outcomes in the United Kingdom amid Rising Immigration,
Migration Policy Institute and the International Labour Office, 2014, 21 pp.
Author: Tommaso Frattini
One of six, country-specific case studies in a research project called
"The Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Europe," this report examines the first decade of the 21st century
-- a period of "unprecedented boom" in immigrant arrivals in the UK. From 2000 to 2012, the percentage of
foreign-born workers rose from 9.7 percent to 15.6 percent of the working-age population, the great majority of whom came
from member states of the EU, including the "new accession" countries of Central and Eastern Europe. These
new arrivals have been, on average, younger and better educated than the native population. For example, 47 percent
of immigrants from the new accession countries have been "highly educated," compared with 26 percent of the native-born
population. The rate for immigrants from outside the European Union is even higher at 51 percent. However, the employment
rate for immigrants as a whole in 2012 (68 percent) was lower than the rate for natives (73 percent) but with significant
variations depending on region of origin. The report examines immigrant occupational trends by industry sector and finds
disturbing evidence of "brain waste" among highly-educated immigrants, some of whom find themselves stuck in low-wage
A Work in Progress: Prospects for Upward Mobility Among new Immigrants in Germany,
Migration Policy Institute and International Labour Office, 23 pp.
This study examines employment trends for three cohorts of immigrants
who arrived in Germany over the last decade: the first between 1998 and 2000, the second between 2003 and 2005, and
the last between 2007 and 2009. The author classifies immigrants according to their countries of origin, with six groupings
used to simplify the analysis, two of which (EU-15 and EU Eastern European) refer to other countries of the European Union.
During the periods in question, immigration from EU Eastern European states rose while immigration from Turkey declined. Employment
rates upon arrival were highest for the most recent cohort of immigrants. For all cohorts, however, employment rates were
highest for immigrants from other EU countries and lowest for immigrants from Turkey and non-European countries. The report
goes on to track employment outcomes for all groups over time, including the extent to which immigrants occupy low-skilled,
middle-skilled, and high-skilled occupations.
European Modules on Migrant Integration
European Commission, February, 2014, 19 pp.
Developed with input
from migration experts in the European Union, the European Commission has published the final version of its Modules on Migrant
Integration. The purpose of this project "is to provide a common language and a reference framework regarding integration."
According to the authors, modules should go beyond simply the collection of good practices. "Modules should take
knowledge exchange to the next level by providing Member States with negotiated recommendations on how to improve their integration
policies and practices, based on the best existing evidence of what works." The Modules cover three main areas:
language and acclimation courses, receiving society commitments, and immigrant civic participation. The receiving society
area is broken down into four sub-sections: preventing discrimination, ensuring equal access to public services, ensuring
equal access to the labor market, and improving the public perception of migration and migrants. The civic participation area
encompasses political participation, intercultural and interreligious dialogue, and participation in civil sector organizations.
The Modules include side bars discussing the evidence base (rated as low, medium, or high) for recommended practices.
Slow Motion: The Labor Market Integration of New Immigrants in France,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 22 pp.
Simon & Elsa Steichen
This report assesses the labor market outcomes of recent immigrants to France, with
particular attention to employment rates. The analysis probes differences based on time of arrival, educational level, nationality
background, and gender. Structural barriers, such as prohibitions against the hiring of foreign-born people in certain occupations,
and the French government's policy of prioritizing family migration over economic migration, have resulted in overall employment
rates for immigrants being 10 percentage points lower than native workers in 2011. The report also finds that "overqualification
is widespread," especially among immigrants from North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. From 2003 to 2011, it ranged from
39 percent on average among all new immigrants (compared to 20 percent for natives and 32 percent for long-established immigrants)
to 55% for newly arrived North Africans and 61 percent for newly arrived sub-Saharan Africans."
Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe? Developing the Governance for Diaspora Engagement,
Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 63 pp.
Author: Maria Vincenza
As more and more immigrant origin countries recognize the development potential of their diasporas
abroad, and understand the connection between immigrant integration in receiving societies and successful diaspora engagement,
the potential for dialogue and collaboration between immigrant origin and immigrant receiving countries on policies and programs
for immigrant integration has grown. This is the thesis of this paper produced by the INTERACT Project, which explores how
policies of governments and non-state actors in origin countries complement or contradict the integration strategies of member
states of the European Union. Now that some of the traditional origin countries of European migrants, e.g. Morocco and Turkey,
have entered a "transition" stage, acting themselves as magnets for migrants while continuing to send their
own citizens abroad, the basis for such cooperation may be even stronger. The paper maps out the complex, multi-level and
multi-layered governance structure of migration in both the European Union and three major sending countries: India,
Morocco, and Turkey. Describing this effort as "one of the first of its kind," the authors urge the development
of "a comprehensive and frequently updated international database of institutional actors participating in the design
and implementation of integration-related policies..." Additional research, the authors continue, should also focus
on the potential for collaboration between local and regional authorities in origin countries and their counterparts in the
European Union. Finally, the paper suggests that "an incremental, modest, and flexible approach to cooperation,"
such as dialogue between policy makers in specific sectors and limited-scope agreements between a small group of countries
with similar characteristics, "is more likely to bear fruit in a reasonable time-frame, than broadly comprehensive and
overly ambitious negotiations."
The Future of Immigrant Integration in Europe: Mainstreaming approaches for Inclusion,
Migration Policy Institute, March, 2014, 36 pp.
Authors: Elizabeth Collett
& Milica Petrovic
This report examines "the next generation of
immigrant integration policymaking" and defines "mainstreaming" as "the effort to reach people with a
migration background through social programming and policies that also target the general population." In place
of, or in addition to, stand-alone integration programs, mainstreaming involves the effort to "embed" immigrant
integration into programs that serve the general population. The report is based on ten months of research including an extensive
literature review, detailed country case studies, in-depth interviews, and study visits to four countries: Denmark, France,
Germany, and the U.K (MPI Europe will be publishing separate reports on integration efforts in each of the four countries
over the course of the coming year). According to the authors, the idea of mainstreaming immigrant integration has emerged
only recently, and little research has been produced on the subject, largely because of its complexity. The impulse
to mainstream services stems from the fact that European societies are becoming more diverse, with growing numbers of second-and
third-generation immigrants, who may face barriers not fully addressed in traditional integration programs. In addition, there
is a widespread perception that there has been only "glacial progress in narrowing educational and employment gaps between
native and immigrant populations" and that "some populations are becoming ever more segregated from mainstream society."
The report argues that a successful mainstreaming strategy needs to address three critical elements: discourse, governance,
and policy. Each of these elements can be "deliberate" or "de facto or organic." An example of a deliberate
discourse strategy would be Germany's National Action Plan on Integration. An example of a de facto discourse strategy would
be the social inclusion and ‘big society" plans in the U.K. The report is replete with examples of mainstreaming
approaches in the four countries. Although the authors note that it is too soon to identify best practices, especially as
evaluation and assessment of new policies and practices are lacking, the authors conclude by recommending "a number of
elements that policymakers should take into account," including setting clear goals, building political will, and creating
regular coordinating and reporting mechanisms.
Climate Change Refugees,
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (forthcoming),
February 26, 2014, 19 pp.
Author: Matthew Lister
This paper makes the case for a "modest" change in the international definition of refugee
in order to grant protection to certain types of "climate change refugees." i.e. those displaced when "an
entire state or territory is rendered uninhabitable." The meaning of the U.N. definition of refugee is someone with "a
well-founded fear based on persecution." Those fleeing their homes due to climate change are not considered to be persecuted,
and are therefore excluded from refugee status. According to the author, however, the "logic" of the refugee convention,
in particular the principle of non-refoulement to a life-threatening situation, suggests a different approach. Refugee
status should be granted to those affected by "environmental disruptions" anticipated to be permanent and severe
enough to eliminate the possibility for a minimum standard of living. This paper provides the example of a sinking island
with limited fresh water availability as a scenario in which individuals should be granted refugee status as a result of climate
change. In this example the sinking island would no longer be able to sustain the original island population due to limited
fresh water resources, and therefore portions of the population would require relocation and resettlement. Considering the
pervasive global impact of climate change, adoption of this new definition of refugee would not apply to all groups affected
by environmental disruptions-such as temporarily displaced persons or individuals able to relocate internally within their
country. Rather the proposed expansion of the UNHCR refugee status would be reserved for individuals whose communities are
uninhabitable, and where internal resettlement is not a feasible option. The author suggests that legally defining this protection
for climate change refugees is a necessary first step to address this issue and the needs of those requiring resettlement
due to environmental factors. (Jade Flora-Holmquiest)
Human Rights, Climate Change, Environmental Degradation and Migration: A New Paradigm,
International Organization for Migration & Migration Policy Institute, March,
2014, 11 pp.
Authors: Rabab Fatima, Anita Jawadurovna Wadud & Sabira Coelho
In this policy brief, IOM and MPI explore the extent to which existing
international human rights frameworks cover the plight of people displaced by environmental degradation or climate change,
particularly in the vulnerable areas of south Asia and the Pacific. Most of the existing guidelines and instruments only cover
people displaced by sudden-onset natural disasters, not migration caused by slow-onset environmental degradation. This
report identifies three main weaknesses with existing standards: victims are not provided any entitlement to enter or stay
in another country; there are no criteria to distinguish between voluntary and forced movement; and questions regarding statelessness
are not addressed, as when island states disappear over time. Despite the identified drawbacks, IOM and MPI argue that taking
a soft law approach towards climate environmentally forced migration is more realistic and preferable over a hard
law approach. The authors argue that the soft law approach is a suitable option in the interim period before the international
community develops a legally binding solution, which is often an arduous and lengthy process. Researchers in the field predict
that millions of individuals will become displaced as a result of climate change and environmental degradation in the future-in
2012 alone there were 29 million people displaced by extreme weather events. The authors note that there is a "growing
recognition that the international protection of ‘people on the move' is no longer simply about refugees. Just as the
international community worked to develop the Guiding Principles on Internally Displace Persons in the 90s, so too
can the same be done for environmentally-induced refugees. Without a universal definition of these environmentally displaced
persons, the international community lacks the framework from which to establish rights and protections for this highly vulnerable
category of migrants. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Human Smuggling and Trafficking into Europe: A comparative Perspective,
Migration Policy Institute, February, 2014, 23 pp.
Author: Louise Shelley
The research for this report was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration for its 8th plenary
meeting in Washington, D.C., in June of 2012 devoted to the theme of "Curbing the Influence of ‘Bad Actors'
in International Migration." In 2010, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, there were an
estimated 140,000 trafficking victims in Europe, generating an annual profit of approximately three billion dollars for exploiters.
The extent of the human smuggling problem in Europe is hard to gauge, although its scope can be inferred from the size
of the unauthorized immigrant population in the European Union, which was estimated to be from 1.9 million to 3.8 million
in 2008. In this report smuggled migrants are understood to be consensual participants, paying smugglers to aid their illegal
entry into another country. Trafficked persons however, are unwilling, often enslaved and exploited, participants in commercial
sex work or forced labor. Although a delineation is made between smuggling and trafficking in this report, these categories
are often less distinguishable in reality-e.g. individuals who begin as consenting smuggled migrants, may then become trafficked
persons exploited by their smugglers. Whether smuggled or trafficked, these individuals are highly vulnerable populations,
often the victims of severe and/or repeated human rights violations. MPI reports that victims in Europe have fewer protections
available to them than victims in the U.S.-for example, in several European countries, temporary visas, protections or other
forms of assistance are dependent upon a victim's usefulness and cooperation in the prosecution of perpetrators; more durable
solutions such as the "T" visa in the U.S. are not available. The report discusses smuggling routes, the profile
of traffickers and smugglers, the profile of victims, smuggling routes, the role of corruption in expediting the movement
of people, and the impact of smuggling and trafficking on European societies. MPI offers the following policy proposals
in response to the expanding global issue of human smuggling and trafficking: reduce demand for trafficked women and
forced labor by enlisting the help of governments, the private sector, and civil society; enhance awareness of and adherence
to countertrafficking policies among consumers and businesses; address policy discrepancies between and within countries;
decrease profits for exploiters; and improve labor laws to allow for the legal migration of workers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Morocco: Setting the Stage for Becoming a Migration Transition Country?
Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, March 19, 2014
Hein de Haas
Starting in the 1970s, large numbers of Moroccans began to emigrate to Europe and more recently
to North America. There are now 3 million Moroccans in western and southern Europe, with the largest share in France,
and another 1 million elsewhere in the world. Morocco's current population is 33 million. Since the mid-1990s, however,
Morocco has also become a destination country. Migrants from West Africa (particularly people from Senegal and Mali who can
travel visa-free to Morocco), the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Philippines, China, and even Europe, have turned Morocco
into a possible "migration transition" country -- defined by the author as a country of declining emigration and
growing immigration. While some migrants use Morocco as a transit country in their quest for political asylum in Europe, many
others are putting down roots in Morocco. In response to some hostility and discrimination directed at these newcomers, a
"vibrant civil-society sector" has emerged to champion the interests of Morocco's immigrant communities. According
to the author, "The recently announced new immigration policy reform, which includes provisions for regularization of
unauthorized migrants, may signal that Moroccan society is gradually coming to terms with these new migration realities."
The paper also discusses the role of remittances in Moroccan development and efforts by Morocco to engage with its overseas
Bordering on Failure: Canada-U.S. Border Policy and the Politics of Refugee Exclusion
Harvard Law School, Harvard Immigration and Refugee Law Clinical Program, November, 2013,
Authors: Efrat Arbel & Alletta Brenner
This report on the bi-lateral Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) between the U.S. and Canada analyzes
how asylum seekers have been impacted by the agreement over the last seven years. The report reiterates many of the concerns
expressed in an earlier 2006 report. "The STCA prohibits foreign nationals who first set foot in the United States from
making claims in Canada, and vice versa." The STCA therefore forces large numbers of asylum seekers to return to the
U.S. where "several key aspects of U.S. asylum law and policy fall below international standards and fail to ensure fundamental
protection for asylum seekers," One of the core enforcement methods used under the STCA is the Multiple Borders
Strategy (MBS), which seeks to "push the border out" and "[subject] asylum seekers to border inspection offshore"
resulting in the deflection of thousands of asylum seekers from reaching Canadian borders. The authors note that these policies
create gaps in jurisdictional authority, as well as increase the occurrence of human smuggling and other unauthorized border
crossings. The report finds that although the stated goal of the STCA is to increase border protection, the STCA is actually
making the border less secure and enabling Canada to avoid its legal obligation to protect the rights of refugees and asylum
seekers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Becoming Canadian: Making Sense of Recent Changes to Citizenship Rules
Institute for Research on Public Policy, January 16, 2014, 15 pp.
Author: Elke Winter
This analysis from Canada's oldest, non-partisan think tank finds fault with changes in
Canadian citizenship rules since the Conservative Party came to power in 2006. These changes include: the introduction
of a new citizenship guide; the development of a new citizenship test; the tightening of language requirements for citizenship;
steps to safeguard against the fraudulent acquisition of citizenship; and modifications to the citizenship ceremony.
The author suggests that these changes have largely escaped scholarly attention, but that they matter greatly as naturalization
"is the quintessential procedure of turning outsiders into full members of the national community." The development
of a new citizenship test, for example, with its emphasis on "conceptual," as well as fact-based questions, and
a higher pass score, was designed to "raise the value" of citizenship. However, according to the author, the
new test introduced "a class- or education-based bias into the process of becoming a Canadian citizen." The new
test led to an increase in failure rates from less than 10 percent on the old test to over 25 percent on the new one. Particularly
disadvantaged were applicants with a high school education or less, whose pass rate dropped to 55 percent. Another change
of dubious value, according to the author, was the requirement to submit proof of language competency either English or French,
which led to a sharp drop in grants of naturalization. The author also closely examines the government's contention that fraud,
through the evasion of residency requirements and "marriages of convenience," is rampant in the naturalization process.
The author concludes that the naturalization process should be a "stepping stone" in the integration process,
not its culmination, and that "the growth of a distrustful, accusatory and punitive tone in citizenship discourse is
Building New Skills: Immigration and Workforce Development in Canada,
Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Transatlantic Council on Migration, November,
2013, 16 pp.
Authors: Karen Myers & Natalie Conte
The research for this paper was commissioned by MPI
for the Transatlantic Council on Migration's ninth plenary meeting, held in Madrid in December of 2012 and devoted to
the topic of maximizing immigrant skills. Myers & Conte are researchers for the Social Research and Demonstration Corporation
in Ottawa. As Canada is often perceived to be as a leader in immigrant integration, conference organizers felt that the Canadian
experience would help inform the Council's deliberations. The paper is divided into two parts. The first section examines
the "mainstream" Canadian workforce development system and finds that the "complexity" of the system,
narrow eligibility requirements, and the "supply-driven" nature of the system tend to exclude many immigrants from
participation. The second part of the paper looks at specialized employment and training programs for immigrants, particularly
in the province of Ontario. Four types of programs are described: employment support services through agencies specializing
in working with immigrants, bridge training programs, mentoring programs, and paid internships for internationally trained
workers. The authors also discuss the role of various English (and French) language learning programs in helping to
facilitate employment. Finally, the authors reference the on-going debate in Canada as to whether the two systems (mainstream
and specialized) should be merged or integrated, but note that there has been very little systematic evaluation of the effectiveness
of these two systems in serving immigrants.
What We Know About Circular Migration and Enhanced Mobility,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 10 pp.
Author: Graeme Hugo
The defining features of circular migration, according to Graeme Hugo, are that the mover spends
significant periods of time in both the origin and destination countries, "lives" in both places, and often has
location-specific capital in both countries. Although there has always been circular migration, the volume of such migration
has increased greatly in recent years due to advances in transportation and communication. This brief addresses two main questions:
first, what policies can maximize the economic benefits of circular migration; and second, how can origin and destination
countries work together to improve the management of such migration. To a certain extent, circular migration has gotten
a bad name, based on the post-World War II European experience with guest labor and the more recent abuses of migrant labor
in a number of Middle Eastern and Asian countries. However, according to Hugo, "these problems are often the result
of poor governance and should not be viewed as inevitable consequences of circular migration itself." The author concludes
with a number of "best-practice" recommendations, including implementing admission policies that judiciously mix
circular and permanent migration and introducing procedures that enable hassle-free, cross-border mobility. He also
cautions against the traditional "silo-ization" of migration policy and development assistance. The two should be
closely integrated in order to reap the maximum economic benefit from migration.
Environmental Change and Migration: What We Know,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 11 pp.
Author: Susan F. Martin
This policy brief, prepared for the 2013 UN Global Forum
on Migration and Development, describes four main environmental changes related to increased migration: changing weather
patterns resulting in drought and desertification, rising sea levels, natural disasters, and competition over natural resources
leading to civil conflict. Desertification and sea level change tend to affect migration over larger time horizons while disasters
and competition bring swift, large scale relocations. Depending on the triggering factor, migrant populations will have
different needs and varying impacts on the resources of receiving communities. Most environmentally-induced migration
will occur within countries. Migrants crossing international boundaries because of slow-onset environmental change may appear
to be labor migrants, whereas those escaping natural disasters or civil conflict may resemble traditional refugees, even though
they don't meet the current legal definition of the term. The author recommends two policy initiatives to deal with increased
migration pressure due to environmental change: first, allow legal options for people to migrate for environmental reasons;
and second, support disaster risk reduction and conflict mediation strategies to reduce the pressure to migrate. She also
urges the participation of diasporas and other members of the affected populations in implementing these strategies, and calls for more research on the relationship between environmental change and
Demography and Migration: An Outlook for the 21st Century,
Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 13 pp.
Author: Rainer Münz
This paper suggests that there are flaws in the conventional wisdom about the future of world migration. According to the
author, one cannot be sure that people will continue moving from youthful to aging societies or from poor to rich countries.
There are many reasons for the author's skepticism, including impressive growth in many middle-income and low-income countries
and increased global competition for migrant labor. Countries, such as Angola, Brazil, Chile, Malaysia, and South Africa,
are attracting migrants from neighboring countries who might otherwise have gone overseas. For these reasons, policy
makers in developed countries will have to "think more strategically about how to attract qualified workers."
This might involve negotiating bilateral, multilateral, or regional recruitment agreements with sending countries conditional
upon investments in the educational systems of those countries; mutual recognition of educational credentials; and social
welfare protections for migrants. Receiving countries may also have to look at other solutions to labor force needs,
such as increasing the retirement age and encouraging greater labor force participation on the part of women.
Integrating Europe's Muslim Minorities: Public Anxieties, Policy Responses
Migration Policy Institute, May 10, 2013, 8 pp
Authors: Meghan Benton & Anne
This paper discusses the challenges facing European governments in trying to integrate Muslims,
who will likely comprise nine percent of Europe’s population by 2030. The authors review efforts to restrict religious
practices considered antithetical to European democratic or secular traditions, such as headwear for women, and the perceived
security threat in the aftermath of 9/11 and other terrorist incidents within Europe. The paper also reviews some of the policy
responses to these challenges, including establishing hierarchical structures, or National Muslim Councils, to facilitate
dialogue with these communities; providing financial and other support to religious education and institutions to encourage
the development of a “homegrown form of Islam;” and addressing educational inequities and discrimination in the
workplace, important in light of the working class origins of the majority of Europe’s Muslim immigrants.
Migration and Environmental Change: Assessing the Developing European Approach,
Migration Policy Institute, May, 2013, 7 pp.
Authors: Andrew Geddes & Will Somerville
This policy brief summarizes recent research on the impact of environmental
change on migration and points out that some of the original assumptions about this impact have been disputed. For example,
environmental change can actually "trap" people and slow migration, if people lose their livelihoods, slip into
poverty, and lose the resources necessary to migrate. Indeed, if they do move, they may put themselves at greater risk by
moving to burgeoning cities located along sensitive coast lines in their own countries. The authors observe that "the
most pressing challenges associated with migration linked to environmental change are those of urban governance in fast-growing
cities in parts of Asia and Africa" and that "increased migration to Europe as a direct result of environmental
change is very unlikely." Indeed, rather than environmentally-induced migration creating tensions and conflict
in immigrant-receiving countries, "the reverse may be the case (where conflict over scarce resources could be increased
by an inability to migrate." The Brief concludes with three policy recommendations for European decision makers, including
"strategic thinking that might seek to support migration as a form of adaptation (author's emphasis)."
How Free is Free Movement? Dynamics and Drivers of Mobility within the European Union
Migration Policy Institute, March, 2013, 25 pp.
Authors: Meghan Benton & Milica Petrovic
Noting that "the European Union provides the closest thing to a ‘laboratory'
on open borders," the authors of this study seek to examine what is known about intra-European mobility, especially since
the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union (EU). Regrettably, the knowledge base on the impacts of free movement
is "slim," largely because official data sources don't capture its full extent. Despite the relative ease of movement,
intra-EU movement is small compared to non-European. While 4.1 percent of EU residents are from outside the EU, only 2.5 percent
are EU nationals living in another member state. The countries with the highest percentages of EU nationals are: Luxembourg
(37.3 percent), Belgium (6.8 percent), Ireland (6.5 percent) and Spain (5.0 percent). However, fully 80 percent of all
EU nationals live in just five countries: Germany, Spain, the UK, France, and Italy. However, cross-border commuting and short-term
migration for study or seasonal work are likely to be missing from the official data. The report also assesses the impact
of intra-European mobility on the labor markets of receiving countries and examines the effects of the economic crisis on
migration. However, few conclusions can be drawn from the paucity of available studies.
Facing 2020: developing a new European agenda for immigration and asylum policy,
Migration Policy Institute, February, 2013, 7 pp.
Author: Elizabeth Collett
The author of this policy brief, the Director of Migration Policy Institute Europe and former
Senior Policy Analyst at the European Policy Centre, finds the current European framework for immigration and asylum
policy "unsustainable." She also laments the passing of the "age of creative policy innovation and testing
ideas" in the area of immigrant integration. In the face of national resistance to EU policy-making in the area
of immigration, as well as widespread "Euroscepticism," a certain "paralysis" has taken hold, which does
not bode well for Europe's competitive standing in the world. The belief that Europe will remain a geopolitical and
economic hub attracting immigrants from around the world is "already on empirically shaky ground." Collett
argues that "managing human mobility has become a whole-of-government concern," requiring the participation of many
different ministries, not just those charged with border control. Moreover, the EU effort to communicate the importance of
sound immigration policy to Europe's future -- giving a human face to the issue and connecting with the broader European public
-- needs to be improved. The author also feels that "the maxim ‘integration is local' needs to
be backed by a solid investment, not just in helping cities better serve their individual populations but in supporting them
in learning from each other." In sum, "five-year programmes have proven inadequate tools;" instead, European
leaders "should begin by envisioning the European society that they hope to see in a generation - and what will be needed
to achieve it..." They should also "avoid setting out immigration targets and goals in isolation" but
consider policy goals in other areas, such as skills development, education, and external affairs.
"Suddenly, Migration Was Everywhere": The Conception and Future Prospects of
Migration Policy Institute, February 5, 2013, 7 pp.
Author: Antoine Pecoud
This article reviews the history and mission of the Global Migration Group (GMG) as a coordinating
body for the international institutions and organizations that address global migratory issues. The article traces the history
of several major migration-related international initiatives, beginning in 1919 with the International Labor Organization
(ILO), and follows the evolution of the current framework leading to the creation of the GMG. The author summarizes the work
of some of the sixteen organizations that comprise the GMG, including its founding core members: the ILO, International Organization
for Migration, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The article reviews
the GMG's principal activities, which have been limited primarily to producing two reports, policy briefs, and joint statements,
and also highlights the major challenges faced by the organization, including lack of funding, a permanent secretariat, and
formal rules, along with conflicting mandates among member organizations. The author speculates on the possible directions
the organization may take in the future, either to serve as an information gatherer that works with actors by catalyzing multilateral
action, or as a leading player that increases efficiency and reduces bureaucracy through direct coordination and implementation.
However, the author warns that even if the GMG could manage to overcome the political obstacles involved with centralizing
global migration initiatives, such a consolidation may only serve to further reinforce the agendas of nations served by the
current status quo. (Daniel McNulty)
The Ljubljana Guidelines on Integration of Diverse Societies,
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), November, 2012, 65 pp.
Produced by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) for the
57 OSCE member states, this document lays out the principles and practices conducive to the "integration of multi-ethnic
societies," understood as a society-wide process. Previous HCNM documents addressed the rights of minorities in
the spheres of education, language, and participation in public life. These Guidelines create a unifying framework and
reflect "the increasing ethno-cultural diversity within all OSCE participating States..." The document begins
by observing that "one of a State's sovereign responsibilities should include developing and implementing integration
policies based on a sound institutional and legislative framework." Moreover, such policies are "inextricably
linked with the preservation of peace and stability within and between states." The Guidelines consist of: four (4) structural
principles, eight (8) principles for integration, three (3) elements of an integration policy framework, and nine (9) key
policy areas. Among the key policy areas are: citizenship; language; education; security and law enforcement; access to justice;
participation in public affairs; participation in economic, social, cultural, and religious life; media; and the use of diverse
symbols in the public domain. The HCNM explicitly endorses the right of minorities to preserve and develop their own cultures
and languages but also affirms their "responsibility to participate in the cultural, social and economic life and in
the public affairs of their wider society." The Guidelines build on the input of HCNM staff over a 20-year period, as
well as the comments and criticisms of 17 external experts.
Study of the Outcomes and Impacts of the Global Forum on Migration and Development and Civil Society
The MacArthur Foundation, October, 2012, 30 pp.
Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) was established after the first UN General Assembly High Level Dialogue on
Migration and Development in 2006. The Forum has been held annually since 2006, with host countries alternating between developing
and developed countries. As the report notes, "migration and development as thematic areas were combined in an effort
to ensure (that) both countries of origin and countries of destination would participate." Each year, the forum is preceded
by "Civil Society Days (CSD)," a gathering of non-profit advocacy organizations, convened to "ground the discussions
in the realities migrants were facing ... (and) to inform the state-led discussion and build off it." As the largest
non-governmental donor to the GFMD process, the MacArthur Foundation commissioned this study to assess the impact of the GFMD
"on policies, practices, issue framing, and government-civil society cooperation..." The study found considerable
frustration with the ability of civil society organizations to impact the agenda of the GFMD and the government policy-setting
process. A major conclusion of the report is that stakeholders need to develop a "credible and validated theory
of change" and restructure the participation of civil society organizations in a manner consistent with that theory.
Moreover, "if stakeholders believe enhanced access and interaction with government to be a key objective of the CSD,
this need to be agreed at the State-led meeting and the structure and activities will have to be modified accordingly."
Institute for Public Policy Research, October, 2012, 20 pp.
In this brief, Myriam Cherti & Clare McNeil challenge the two most widely held assumptions in the debate on European
immigrant integration policy, finding shortcomings in both the assimilative approach which focuses on the forging of a shared,
national identity, and the multicultural, group-rights approach. The authors contend that both models are flawed because
they start from the premise that communities and cultural identities are fixed units, and, as such, focus attention on the
"grand level of citizenship and national identity." Rather, building from the work of Brubaker and others,
the authors view culture as a collection of complex and shifting patterns that continually negotiate the boundaries of identity
and, therefore, research on assimilation must instead focus on the everyday experiences of individuals and groups in order
to develop effective integration policy. The authors probe "the process of everyday integration" by
surveying literature from four key areas where identities are often constructed and reconstructed: childcare arrangements,
patterns of shopping and consumption, leisure activities, and "supplementary education," such as that provided by
madrassas in the U.K. Examining their hypothesis that policy can be better shaped through a) understanding the
way that identity formation occurs; b) identifying the problems for social integration and group identity formation; c) and
proposing ways in which they can be amended to ease tensions between groups as they emerge in each of these settings, Cherti
& McNeil conclude that further ethnographic research in these everyday areas would aid policymakers in crafting a more
effective approach to immigrant integration. (Daniel McNulty)
Choice and Prejudice: Discrimination against Muslims in Europe,
Amnesty International, 2012, 119 pp.
attention on five countries (Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Spain, and Switzerland), this report aims to highlight and critique
policies which discriminate against Muslims in Europe on the grounds of religion or belief. The report looks at legislation
regulating religious and cultural practices, as well as the influence of domestic political discourse on policy development.
Policies examined include: codes banning forms of cultural symbols and dress, e.g. full-face veils, in schools and the
workplace; restrictions on the building of places of worship; and other public and private limits placed on the freedom of
belief, religion, or expression. According to the report, supporters often see these measures as necessary to promote equality
and fairness. However, these policies often disproportionately impact Muslims, in particularly Muslim women, who are the most
likely to face discrimination based on the outer manifestation of their religious and cultural identity. Unequal access to
education and the job market limits their life prospects, compounds existing inequalities, and violates current laws. The
report outlines a series of recommendations calling for governments to strengthen and enforce anti-discrimination legislation
by establishing national equality bodies to better monitor and measure abuses; ensure that new and existing legislation require
a shared burden of proof in discrimination claims (i.e. once evidence shows that a plaintiff has suffered discrimination,
it is up to the defendant to prove there has been no discrimination); ratify human rights protocols (specifically, Protocol
12 to the European Convention); and remove bans that place limits on religious and cultural freedoms. The report also calls
for greater cross-cultural dialogue and concludes with specific recommendations for each of the five countries. (Daniel
Understanding "Canadian Exceptionalism" in Immigration and Pluralism Policy,
Migration Policy Institute, July, 2012, 18 pp.
The Transatlantic Council on Migration commissioned the research for this paper for its seventh plenary meeting,
held in Berlin in November of 2011. Written by University of California Professor Irene Bloemraad, the paper explores why
"Canada is far more open to, and optimistic about, immigration" than the United States and countries in Europe.
Despite having the highest proportion of immigrants to total population of any other Western country (about 20 percent), public
opinion polls suggest that Canada is a "striking outlier." As an example, about two-thirds of Canadians in
2010 said that the number of immigrants coming to Canada was "about right." The author cites a number of reasons
for these positive attitudes, including the geography of Canada, which makes illegal entry difficult (Canada's unauthorized
population hovers between 3 to 6 percent, mitigating against public fears of uncontrolled borders); the Canadian point system,
which screens prospective immigrants for their potential to contribute to the Canadian economy and integrate into society
(59 percent of new permanent immigrants to Canada in the first decade of the 21stcentury were economic migrants);
the political power of immigrant communities (Canada has a high naturalization rates); and the importance of multiculturalism
as a marker of Canadian national identity. "In the 1960s and 1960s, Canadians were searching for a sense of national
cohesion that was not British and not American, and one that could in some way accommodate the growing separatist movement
in Quebec." In addition, the Canadian government has made substantial investments in immigrant integration programs,
investments that rely for their implementation on a partnership with community-based organizations. It is estimated that the
federal government spent just over $1 billion on integration programs, an amount that has been increasing despite the global
recession. The author does not gloss over potential problems on the horizon, including the growing reliance on temporary
visa programs, which could spur the development of a larger unauthorized population in the future, and the problem of unequal
economic outcomes for "visible minorities." However, Canadian "exceptionalism" could become the
norm in other Western countries, as other transatlantic societies "modify their national identities in the face of growing
immigrant and second-generation populations."
Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States and Europe: The Use of Legalization/Regularization as a
Migration Policy Institute, May, 2012, 9 pp.
Drawing on previous MPI research, this paper provides a brief history of legalization programs in the U.S.
and Europe. More than 5 million unauthorized immigrants have been regularized in the European Union since 1996 -- the vast
majority in the southern tier countries of Italy, Spain, and Greece. Although leaders in northern European countries now frown
on regularization as a policy tool, policies of "toleration" have remained popular in these countries. In the U.S.,
more than 3.7 million unauthorized immigrants have been legalized since 1986, mainly through the Immigration Reform and Control
Act (IRCA) of 1986, the Cuban Adjustment Program, Cancellation of Removal, and the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American
Relief Act. Between 1929 and 1986, more than 1.5 million undocumented people, or people on temporary visas, acquired permanent
residence in the U.S., some through the registry program. This program allows people who have resided unlawfully in
the U.S. for long periods and who meet other qualifications to adjust to permanent residence. Congress has advanced the registry
year four times since 1929: in 1940, 1958, 1965, and 1986. The current year is 1972. In addition, since 1952 Congress has
acted 16 times to grant permanent residence to persons in temporary legal status. According to the authors, ever since
Congress placed numerical restrictions on immigration in 1921, "Congress has regularly found it necessary to legalize
discrete groups that have strong equitable and humanitarian claims to remain in the United States. Many argue that the current
unauthorized population includes many residents who have similar claims and that Congress may find it necessary to pursue
the legalization option once again."
Building a British Model of Integration in an Era of Immigration: Policy Lessons for Government,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 27 pp.
analyzes developments in immigrant integration policy in the United Kingdom beginning with the election of the Labor government
in 1997 and continuing to the present day. British policy, to the extent that it shows any clear patterns and consistency,
has evolved from a race-relations model, developed when most immigrants were visible minorities from the former British colonies
and anti-discrimination legislation was the primary policy tool, to a more eclectic approach, reflecting the intensification
and diversification of migratory streams in recent years. An important context for policy development has been "British
hostility to immigration," which public opinion polls find higher than in other countries in Europe and North America.
The authors examine integration from three different perspectives: national identity; major immigrant outcomes, such
as workforce participation and educational attainment; and successful communities. With regard to national identity,
the authors note that there has been a shift from an ethnocentric view of identity to one emphasizing liberal civic values.
This shift is "paradoxical" as these values "are by definition universal values, or at least values shared
by all liberal states." As far as immigrant outcomes are concerned, there is some confusion as to which yardstick
to use in measuring successful integration, e.g. intermarriage, employment, language "or a vast number of even softer
measures around social interaction and group reputation." With regard to community cohesion, the authors observe
that "the most important predictors of unsuccessful communities are not immigration but socioeconomic deprivation and
the quality of public services." The authors conclude that Great Britain has pursued a policy of "pinpointing,
adapting and targeting mainstream policies to reach the needs of immigrants and minorities. While not a failure, this has
not been done systematically, and there has been little coordination among programs."
The Relationship Between Immigration and Nativism in Europe and North America,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 42 pp.
written by Cas Mudde of DePauw University for the 7thplenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council in 2011, attempts
to map the landscape of "radical right" and "nativist" parties and organizations in Europe and North America.
Since 1980, such parties have had limited electoral success. They have gained more than 15 percent of the popular vote in
only three countries: Austria, Denmark, and Switzerland, but they have managed to shift the debate in many European
countries. According to Mudde, "nowadays, virtually all but a few radical left and green parties consider immigration
a fundamental challenge to their society at best and a threat at worst." Yet, there has also been a strong countermovement
of private organizations, such as SOS Racism in France and the British Anti-Nazi League, that have worked to discredit the
racist propaganda of these parties. Local and national governments have also utilized anti-discrimination legislation
to curb the activities of these groups and to stimulate a pro-immigrant discourse. Despite their impact on national
policies, the author considers the relationship between immigration and "extremism" to be "unclear and complex
...rising numbers of immigrants do not automatically translate into increasing extremism in a country..." The best example
is the United States, where "a powerful pro-immigrant lobby," made up of "big business, immigrant groups, and
libertarians" stands as a counterweight to nativist forces. Despite the role played by nativist organizations and
parities in "the tightening of immigration laws, particularly those regarding asylum, they have lost the big battle
as both Western Europe and North American are increasingly multiethnic societies."
Transatlantic Trends: Immigration,
The German Marshall Fund of the U.S., 2011, 30 pp.
This 2011 public opinion survey - the fourth annual survey published by the GMF -- covers the United States and five
European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK). Despite the global economic crisis and the migratory impact
of the "Arab Spring," attitudes towards immigration remained remarkably stable. Immigration remains a "second
order concern" in all countries, with majorities indicating the "economy" or "unemployment" as their
foremost concerns. As in previous years, respondents in all countries overestimated the number of immigrants in their respective
countries, e.g. on average U.S. respondents estimated a foreign-born percentage of 37.8 percent, as compared with the real
percentage of 12.5 percent. A majority of U.S. respondents, but only 34 percent of Europeans, also thought that a majority
of immigrants were in the country illegally. On both sides of the Atlantic, strong majorities were favorable to the admission
of highly educated immigrants, but opposed to immigrants with low levels of education, yet when faced with a choice between
a highly educated immigrant without a job offer, and a lower educated immigrant with a job offer, the latter was the preference.
Finally, 53 percent of Americans were supportive of birthright citizenship, and 65 percent supported the provisions of the
Restoring Trust in the Management of Migration and Borders: Council Statement,
Transatlantic Council on Migration, 2011, 8, pp.
Written by Demetrios
G. Papademetriou, President of the Migration Policy Institute, this statement reflects the thinking of a group of high-level
officials from Europe and North America who since 2008 have been meeting on a regular basis "to identify the best ways
to bring greater order and legality to migration, border management, and labor market systems and thus restore public trust
in government's ability to manage these complex tasks." The statement begins by making some recommendations to change
the narrative on immigration, including setting realistic goals, articulating why immigration is in the national interest,
and adhering closely to the rule of law. The Council then lays out a series of steps to implement a "whole-of-system"
approach to controlling illegal immigration, involving a range of policy tools utilized in a coordinated manner. Finally,
the statement calls for "building a new architecture for border management," involving the effective and strategic
use of technology and the allocation of resources based on risk.
Regularization in the European Union: the Contentious Policy Tool,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2011, 23 pp.
1996, over 5 million immigrants have been "regularized" (legalized) in 18 member states of the European Union. This
brief discusses the rationale for, and the objectives and requirements of, the various EU regularization programs. The publication
also touches on the political fallout from such programs, as countries in northern Europe increasingly object to the greater
frequency of regularization initiatives among the southern tier countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece. The appendix contains
a table with pertinent data about each regularization program including country, year, target population, number of applications
received and total number of regularizations granted.
World Migration Report 2011: Communicating Effectively About Migration,
International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2011, 158 pp.
2011 report (the sixth in a series begun in 2000) is divided into two parts. Part A examines how perceptions and attitudes
about migration shape public opinion in immigrant-receiving countries, which in turn influence policies adopted by governments.
The report calls for a "fundamental shift in how we communicate about migration" and stresses "the need for
the promotion of a better understanding and recognition of the benefits of migration, more evidence-based policymaking and
a more effective engagement with migrants themselves." The report also provides some examples of effective communication
strategies used by governments, civil society, international organizations, and the media. This section of the report also
includes a review of major migration trends of 2010/2011, including policy and legislative developments, efforts to promote
international cooperation and dialogue on migration issues, and the migratory impact of upheavals in the Middle East and North
Africa. Part B reflects on IOM's history on the 60thanniversary of its founding in 1951, with particular
attention to developments during the last decade. In commenting on the report, the director general of IOM suggested that
providing accurate information to the public about migration might be "the single most important policy tool in all societies
faced with increasing diversity."
The Debate Over Multiculturalism: Philosophy, Politics, and Policy,
Migration Policy Institute, September 22, 2011, 7 pp.
In this policy
brief, University of California, Berkeley, Professor Irene Bloemraad distinguishes between three types of multiculturalism:
"demographic multiculturalism," or the description of the pluralism that actually exists in a particular society;
"multiculturalism as political philosophy," which she defines as a "philosophy centered on recognizing, accommodating,
and supporting cultural pluralism'" and "multiculturalism as public policy," or the process of adapting
to the cultural diversity of groups in a particular society. She notes that "social scientists have only recently begun
to evaluate multiculturalism as public policy." One useful tool is the "multiculturalism policy index (MCP
Index)" developed by two researchers in Canada, which measures the extent to which selected multicultural policies
appear in 21 nations over a period of three decades. With some notable exceptions (Netherlands and Italy), "actual policy
in many countries is slowly inching toward greater accommodation of pluralism, despite the political rhetoric around the perceived
problems of diversity." She further notes that opposition to multiculturalism as public policy on the part of majority
populations may stem from concerns over demographic multiculturalism.
Integration Beyond Migration: Kicking off the debate,
Migration Policy Group, June, 2011, 29 pp
Over the past several
decades Europe has undergone a radical demographic transformation. A decline in the reproductive rates of native populations
and the arrival of international migrants from both within the EU and without has presented a number of challenges and opportunities
for integration. Currently, two policy frameworks exist for integrating migrants into European social systems: Europe 2020
and the Stockholm Programme. This paper examines the integration gaps within existing policies that fail to incorporate various
groups into civil society and proposes redefining policies in order to encourage the development of active citizenship by
all members of society. Accordingly, the paper describes and analyzes a number of approaches for creating a more inclusive
society where persons are able to fulfill their inherent potential through the removal of obstacles which limit capacity.
Finally, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for building more dynamic, open and inclusive systems.
Immigrant Integration in Europe in a Time of Austerity,
Migration Policy Institute, 2011, 25 pp.
The report examines the extent to which governments in EU countries have altered their spending for, and approaches
to, immigrant integration as a result of the global financial crisis. Noting that comparisons across countries are difficult
because of the varying definitions of "immigrant group" (should initiatives targeting the children of immigrants
be included?), the number of ministries involved, and the extent to which integration policy has been "mainstreamed,"
the author proceeds to offer "snapshots" of integration work in nine countries, looking especially at the political
and economic backdrop to these efforts. She concludes that investments in integration are being cut at precisely the
time when the need is greatest; that the extent to which integration policies are "embedded" in the "broader
panoply of government policies" may provide some protection against targeted cuts (particularly true for Portugal and
Spain); and that "migration fatigue" might explain the "dissatisfaction with the status quo" in the United
Kingdom and the Netherlands, two countries that have long labored to integrate their immigrant populations. The report
concludes with a series of observations on future directions.
Migration Policy Index
The British Council
and Migration Policy Group, February, 2011, 212 pp.
Produced by a consortium of 37 national-level organizations led by the British
Council and Migrant Policy Group, the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) measures policies to integrate immigrants
in 31 countries in Europe and North America. It uses 148 policy indicators to create a multi-dimensional picture of immigrants'
opportunities to participate in receiving societies. MIPEX covers seven policy areas which shape an immigrant's journey to
full citizenship, including labor market mobility, family reunion, education, long-term residence, political participation,
access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. First published in 2005, this is the third edition of the Index and the first
to include the United States, which ranked 9th among the 37 nations in the effectiveness of its integration policies.
Sweden, Portugal, and Canada had the highest scores.
The German Marshall Fund of the United States and other partner organizations, 2011, 39 pp.
the third year in a row, GMF has conducted a survey of public opinion on immigration-related issue in six countries
of the European Union, Canada and the United States. The 2010 survey added new questions on the impact of the recession
on attitudes regarding immigration, as well as on the extent of second generation integration. As in the past, populations
in all countries tend to overestimate the size of the immigrant population, as well as the percentage of immigrants who are
unauthorized. Majorities in all European countries, with the exception of Spain, said that immigrants were not integrating
well. North Americans were more positive, with 59% of Americans and 65% of Canadians saying that immigrants are integrating
The Impact of the Great Recession on Metropolitan Immigration Trends,
Brookings, December, 2010, 10 pp.
This report examines changes in the foreign-born population
both nationally and in the 100 largest metropolitan areas since the onset of the Great Recession in December, 2007. Growth
has continued in some areas, such as Houston and Raleigh, that have "weathered the recession" well. Declines have
occurred in some traditional immigrant gateways, such as New York and Los Angeles. In the country as a whole, the poverty
rate for immigrants rose from 14.6% in 2007 to 16.7% in 2009, reflecting the lay-offs of low skill workers in the construction
and service and hospitality industries.
World Migration Report 2010: The Future of Migration, Building
Capacities for Change,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 272 pp.
is the fifth in a series of biennial reports published by IOM since 2000. The report is rich with data on all aspects of world
migration, with both global and regional overviews. The theme of this particular report is capacity-building defined as "the
process of strengthening the knowledge, abilities, skills, resources, structures and processes that States and institutions
need...to facilitate the development of humane and orderly policies for the movement of people." A separate chapter of
the report focuses on immigrant integration and covers ten core areas for capacity-building.
Immigrant Legalization in the United States and European Union: Policy Goals and Program Design,
Migration Policy Institute, December, 2010, 15 pp.
Written by Marc R. Rosenblum, an Assoc.
Professor of Political Science at the University of New Orleans, who previously played a role in crafting the Senate's immigration
legislation in 2006 and 2007, this brief examines the various policy options and trade-offs involved in designing effective
legalization programs. Noting that "virtually every major migrant-receiving state has enacted some form of immigrant
legalization in response to climbing rates of illegal immigration since the 1980s, with about 3.5 million Americans and 5
million Europeans gaining legal status," the author suggests "four standards by which to judge the success
of a legalization system:" inclusiveness, fairness, cost effectiveness, and self-enforcement. He also reviews options
regarding retrospective eligibility, requirements to be met prospectively during the legalization process, and the benefits
to be received through participation in the program. Observing that "the goals of inclusiveness and fairness are fundamentally
in tension," the author concludes with some suggestions as to how to resolve this tension.
Migration and Immigrants Two Years after the Financial Collapse: Where Do We Stand?
Migration Policy Institute, Report for the BBC World Service, October, 2010, 127 pp.
Produced by a multinational
team of scholars, this report grew out of discussions that took place in May, 2010, at a gathering sponsored by the Transatlantic
Council on Migration in Bellagio, Italy The report documents disproportionate job losses among immigrants, especially among
lower skilled migrants, males, and younger migrants; major reductions in migrant inflows in Europe and the United States;
and reductions in illegal migration as evidenced by sharply reduced apprehensions on the southern border of the U.S and on
Europe's southern periphery. The report also raises the possibility that migration flows to developed countries may not return
to pre-recession levels even after the resumption of stronger economic growth, but rather may be shifted to the emerging economies
of Asia. In lieu of an executive summary, the report features a series of nine "headlines" derived from the
research with brief explanatory notes.
Reconfiguring Settlement and Integration: A Service Provider Strategy for Innovation and
Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance/Alliance canadienne du secteur de l'établissement des
immigrants, May 16, 2010, 72 pp.
Written by Meyer Burstein, co-founder and former executive of the International
Metropolis Project, this report provides an in-depth analysis of the Canadian immigrant and refugee service sector, based
on "a series of workshops and focus groups with representatives of service provider organizations and ethnic-specific
agencies" in cities across Canada. The report identifies "four strategic capacities" of the sector, including
"an ability to comprehensively assess client needs and to assemble a bundle of services to address those needs, cutting
across program silos." The report contains 15 recommendations "aimed at clarifying the sector's strategic
directions and strengthening its strategic capacities." One recommendation calls for "an internal study to map the
areas in which (the sector) enjoys a comparative advantage over mainstream and commercial service providers." Another
recommendation calls for "a collaborative study with ethnic-cultural groups to determine how best to strengthen the sector's
connections" with these groups, in order to "reinforce the sector's strategic advantages vis-à-vis mainstream
agencies." Other recommendations are designed to bolster the capacity of the sector to be analytic and innovative, thereby
preventing the sector from being "relegated to the role of passive observers and stoop labour, acting exclusively at
government's behest." The report urges the development of "a sector-led, pan-Canadian institution comprised of settlement
agencies and university-based researchers that would analyze and disseminate best practice information." The new
body would be "part clearing house and part think tank" and would be "wholly owned" by the settlement
sector. The Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance has prepared an official response to the Burstein report.
Migration, the Environment and Climate Change: Assessing the Evidence,
The German Marshall Fund of the United States, June, 2010, 5 pp.
This short paper is one of eight
new studies devoted to the topic of climate change and migration patterns prepared by the Transatlantic Study Team on Immigration
and Integration. Written by Frank Laczko, the Head of Research at the International Organization for Migration, this paper
examines the current state of research on climate change and migration. The author calls attention to the uncertainties
surrounding the notion of environmentally-induced migration, especially when individual choice enters into the picture. Rather
than thinking of population movement as either forced or voluntary, it might be more accurate, he suggests, to conceive of
a continuum ranging from totally voluntary to totally forced. The author also notes the lack of empirical research on the
relationships between climate change and migration. What is clear is that most environmentally-induced migration has
been within and between developing countries in the global South. Apart from efforts to provide temporary refuge to
those stranded outside their countries as a consequence of extreme environmental events such as earthquakes and hurricanes,
most northern countries have yet to develop a "strategy and policy framework to address the impact of gradual environmental
change." Copies of this paper and others in the series are available on the website of The German Marshall Fund.
The International Organization for Migration has also produced a larger study on the same subject.
Migrant Resource Centres: An Initial Assessment,
IOM International Organization for Migration, 2010, 71 pp.
migrant resource centres (MRCs) as "physical structures that provide services to migrants which facilitate and empower
them to migrate in a legal, voluntary, orderly and protected fashion," IOM considers this report to be the first attempt
"to assess (their) impact on migration management goals." According to IOM, MRCs may be found in both countries
of origin and destination. Originally prepared for the 2009 Global Forum on Migration and Development, this report profiles
17 MRCs, with special attention to their role in "empowering migrants for development." The authors identify
and give examples of good practices and recommend steps to strengthen and sustain organizations of this type.
Handbook on Integration for Policy-Makers and Practitioners,
European Commission (Directorate General for Justice, Freedom and Security), 3rd Edition, April
2010, 174 pp.
This handbook discusses "best practices and lessons learned" in immigrant integration
from the 27 member states of the European Union. Written by Jan Niessen and Thomas Huddleston of the Migration Policy Group
on behalf of the European Commission, the publication relies on input from the so-called "National Contact Points on
Integration," designated government officials in each member state with responsibility for immigrant integration. In
addition, the authors draw on information collected at six "technical seminars" hosted by various ministries responsible
for integration. This volume is the last in a series of three publications devoted to the integration theme. The purpose
of the series is "to promote the creation of a coherent European framework on integration by facilitating the exchange
of experience and information." This particular volume deals with the following topics: the efforts of the European
Union to promote integration through standard-setting and information sharing; the role of mass media in advancing an integration
agenda; techniques for educating the public about immigration; strategies for empowering immigrant communities to actively
participate in the policy-making process; techniques for setting up "dialogue platform," defined as "a
civic space in which to begin an open and respectful exchange of views among immigrants, with fellow residents, or with government;"
policies on the acquisition of nationality and the practice of active citizenship; helping immigrant youth advance in
the educational system and labor market. The Handbook is replete with examples of model programs in each of these areas. A
Companion Guide to the third edition reprints some of the reports produced for the technical seminars. Earlier volumes in
this series (published in 2004 and 2007) may be found on the website of the Migration Policy Group.
Hidden in Plain Sight: Indigenous Migrants, Their Movements,
and Their Challenges,
Migration Policy Institute, March 31, 2010, 7 pp.
This short paper discusses
migration trends among the world's 370 million indigenous people, who often get lumped together statistically with non-indigenous
migrants born in the same country. The author notes that indigenous people often migrate from rural to urban areas within
their own countries, before attempting to move to other countries. The author calls for the compilation of disaggregated
data about these groups and new studies to "help governments at the State and federal levels address specific issues
facing these communities."
Committed to the Diaspora: More Developing Countries
Setting Up Diaspora Institutions,
Migration Policy Institute, Nov. 2, 2009,
Drawn from a much larger study, this article details the efforts of governments around the world to strengthen
ties with their diasporas, or communities of emigrants and their descendents in other countries. Although governments
in poorer countries are mainly interested in tapping into the talent and resources of their diasporas for development purposes,
some governments are also involved in efforts to protect migrants and promote their integration into destination countries.
The article details the types of ministerial and sub-ministerial entities set up to administer diaspora affairs and includes
charts showing the percentage of each country's population living abroad. The authors also discuss the efforts of regional
and local governments, such as 30 provinces in China, and 29 of Mexico's 32 states, to build stronger relations with their
No Shortcuts: Selective Migration and Integration,
2009 Transatlantic Academy Report on Immigration, March, 2009, 34 pp.
report, six scholars - three from the United States and three from Europe - describe and assess skill-based immigration systems
in western countries and reach a number of policy-related conclusions, including the following: first, that "selective
migration schemes that do not have a specific connection to employment are faced with problems of integrating immigrants into
the labor market;" second, that "highly-skilled (migrants) are not immune to problems of adaptability
and integration;" and third, that the American economic and immigration boom of the last few decades is over, resulting
in inevitable changes in the quantity and patterns of migration, and that migration should no longer be viewed "as
a one-way street toward Europe and the United States," but rather as a process characterized by "circular migration
and multiple-life-phase migrations" -- and with many new players, including China and India. The authors stress the importance
of sound integration policies to prevent "brain waste" and the spread of extremist ideologies. They also argue that
"systems and environments devised to make it easier for people to move back and forth are preferable to the build-up
of border and control systems."
Learning from Each Other: The Integration of Immigrants and Minority Groups in the United States
Center for American Progress, April, 2009, 36 pp.
This report compares and contrasts European and American
approaches to immigrant integration. The report commends the European Union for its effort to define a common framework
and set of principles to guide integration efforts on the member state level and its dedication of substantial resources
for integration work. It urges the United States to follow a similar approach. The United States, in turn, is commended
for its strong antidiscrimination laws and its ability to enforce regulations on the state and local level -- achievements
worthy of emulation by European states. The report calls for the creation of a "new National office of Integration in
the White House," charged with reducing barriers to integration for both new immigrants and minority groups.